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st sophia and the ‘reconquest’(c. 532,54) 77<br />

native <strong>of</strong> Antioch, vividly describes their effects on different generations <strong>of</strong><br />

his own family (HE iv.29). Procopius has left a description <strong>of</strong> the plague’s<br />

impact in Constantinople (Wars ii.22f.) which remains moving and credible<br />

even when allowance is made for literary allusions to the famous plague<br />

description in Thucydides, and the Syriac writer John <strong>of</strong> Ephesus has<br />

recorded the devastation it caused in rural Asia Minor. 82 It is <strong>of</strong> course dangerous<br />

to rely on impressionistic accounts in literary sources, and the outbreaks<br />

have left few clear traces in the archaeological record in the east.<br />

However, Justinian’s legislation immediately after the outbreak in the<br />

capital demonstrates the government’s concern for the effect on revenues<br />

when so many tax-payers were dying; prices rose, and had to be controlled<br />

by a law <strong>of</strong> 544. 83 The emperor fell ill himself, but foiled those who were<br />

plotting about the succession by recovering. There were other disasters,<br />

notably earthquakes, one <strong>of</strong> which destroyed the famous law school at<br />

Berytus, 84 and in June 548 the empress Theodora died; 85 her death was a<br />

severe blow to her husband, who never remarried.<br />

Theodora’s influence, like that <strong>of</strong> Justinian’s favourite ministers, was<br />

clearly a major factor in the internal politics <strong>of</strong> the reign. While<br />

Monophysites had good reason to be grateful for her support and cast her<br />

in the role <strong>of</strong> repentant sinner turned virtuous protectress, Procopius saw<br />

her as an unprincipled schemer who would stop at little to advance her<br />

favourites. Theodora remained conscious <strong>of</strong> her powers <strong>of</strong> sexual attraction;<br />

she took care <strong>of</strong> herself well and knew how to exploit her beauty. 86<br />

According to Procopius, she attended meetings <strong>of</strong> the imperial consistory<br />

and effectively ruled in partnership with her husband; the two together were<br />

like a pair <strong>of</strong> bloodthirsty demons or furies in human form such as one can<br />

read about in the ancient poets. This portrayal, however, which manifestly<br />

depends on misogynistic prejudice, may also arise from personal resentment.<br />

87 It is clear enough that Theodora protected Monophysite monks and<br />

clergy, though apparently with Justinian’s knowledge, for he would also join<br />

her in personal visits to and discussions with those who had taken refuge in<br />

the palace. But Procopius also claims that she brought about the downfall <strong>of</strong><br />

her enemies, chief among them Justinian’s minister John the Cappadocian,<br />

who had been quickly reinstated after his dismissal from the praetorian prefecture<br />

during the Nika revolt; Procopius, John Lydus and the church historian<br />

Zachariah <strong>of</strong> Mytilene are all highly critical <strong>of</strong> his administration, but it<br />

was Theodora, Procopius claims, who brought about John’s fall in a.d. 541. 88<br />

Justinian was reluctant to carry the policy through, and despite enforced<br />

ordination, John was able to recover some <strong>of</strong> his property and apparently to<br />

82 Full references: Stein, Bas-Empire ii.758–61; Allen (1979); see Durliat (1989) for a minimizing view,<br />

and against this, Whitby (1995). 83 Edict 7,pref.;Nov. 122. 84 Stein, Bas-Empire ii.756–8.<br />

85 PLRE iii.1241. 86 Procop. SH 10.11f., 15.6f. 87 SH 12.14; see Cameron, Procopius 67–83.<br />

88 PLRE iii.627–35, s.v. Ioannes 11.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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