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the north-western provinces 499<br />

Alongside the literary texts there is the witness <strong>of</strong> archaeology. On the<br />

whole, however, the archaeological material for the period, rich though it is,<br />

illuminates general trends, particularly in burial custom and living conditions.<br />

Such information is not easily combined with a written record that<br />

deals primarily with matters ecclesiastical and political. Despite the vast<br />

numbers <strong>of</strong> cemeterial finds from the fifth and early sixth century, it is rare<br />

to find a grave that is so firmly dated that it can be fitted into a precise historical<br />

context: the one obvious exception is the grave <strong>of</strong> the Frankish king<br />

Childeric at Tournai, which is especially valuable because it is the grave <strong>of</strong> a<br />

known individual whose career is recorded and whose death can be ascribed<br />

with some certainty to the year 481 or thereabouts. Leaving aside the cemetery<br />

evidence, that <strong>of</strong> treasure hoards is also awkward. Of the British<br />

hoards, Mildenhall, Water Newton and Hoxne antedate our period, though<br />

in the latter case, only just. The hoard from Traprain Law in Scotland may,<br />

however, belong to the early fifth century, and show something <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Roman treasure available to a native prince, living in what had been the frontier<br />

zone <strong>of</strong> the Roman province. From the continent, the hoard from<br />

Kaiseraugst seems to belong to the mid fourth century, and the treasure<br />

named after Sevso, its owner, who lived apparently in Pannonia, may be<br />

dated a little later. There is, in any case, always a danger in trying to associate<br />

a hoard, or indeed a destruction layer in a villa or town, with an individual<br />

crisis, unless the archaeological finds and the literary texts can be shown to<br />

dovetail precisely. Even a text as precise about urban destruction as the Vita<br />

Severini is difficult to correlate with the archaeological evidence currently<br />

available for Noricum. In Britain the discoveries <strong>of</strong> sub-Roman structures<br />

built in timber at Wroxeter and Birdoswald are reminders <strong>of</strong> how much may<br />

have been missed by earlier generations <strong>of</strong> archaeologists. 7 Urban archaeology<br />

in France is also shedding increasing light on the history <strong>of</strong> the late<br />

Roman town, and it seems likely that over the period as a whole there was<br />

a marked urban decline, although at the same time, in parts <strong>of</strong> Gaul at least,<br />

this went hand in hand with the development <strong>of</strong> new suburban foci, notably<br />

around the increasingly significant shrines <strong>of</strong> martyrs and saints. 8<br />

Although it is possible to construct a narrative for the period, it can at<br />

best be a sketch <strong>of</strong> a time <strong>of</strong> intense military activity and social change. In<br />

406 or 407 the Rhine frontier broke, and hordes <strong>of</strong> Vandals, Alans and<br />

Sueves crossed first into Gaul and then into Spain, where they fought each<br />

other as much as they plundered the Roman province, until the Vandals<br />

departed for Africa in 429. In 411 the Visigoths left Italy, in the first<br />

instance for Aquitaine. They too moved on to Spain, only to be recalled to<br />

Aquitaine in 418 or 419. 9 From their base in Toulouse they usually acted as<br />

7 On Wroxeter, Barker (1990). 8 See in general the volumes <strong>of</strong> Gauthier et al.(1986–).<br />

9 On the question <strong>of</strong> the date Wood (1992) 15.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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