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316 12. land, labour and settlement<br />

regional surveys <strong>of</strong> standing remains (where they survive), and through the<br />

practice <strong>of</strong> field-walking, which involves the systematic plotting and dating<br />

<strong>of</strong> lost settlement sites by the recovery on the surface <strong>of</strong> pottery and other<br />

datable items. Surveys <strong>of</strong> this kind have filled out the map <strong>of</strong> the Roman<br />

world with thousands <strong>of</strong> villages and scattered rural settlements, whereas<br />

before only the larger and more spectacular sites were generally known to<br />

scholarship. However, there are still vast areas <strong>of</strong> the empire where systematic<br />

survey has never been carried out (for instance, in the whole <strong>of</strong> Asia<br />

Minor, modern Turkey); and even amongst those surveys that have been<br />

published there are enormous differences in the sophistication <strong>of</strong> the work<br />

and in the consequent quality <strong>of</strong> the results. For example, surveys in the<br />

near east seldom discuss the way the data have been collected, and generally<br />

brand all ‘late’ sites as ‘Byzantine’, without any attempt to subdivide the<br />

huge date range from a.d. 300 to 700�, and they give little consideration<br />

to the size <strong>of</strong> individual settlements. On the other hand, state-<strong>of</strong>-the-art<br />

surveys, such as that carried out in Boeotia in Greece, discuss these important<br />

matters in exhaustive detail. 3<br />

Field-survey is a very good tool for charting the distribution and even<br />

the size <strong>of</strong> settlement in periods, such as the Roman, when material<br />

goods are both abundant and <strong>of</strong>ten readily datable. However, as we shall<br />

see, it is less successful in providing a clear picture <strong>of</strong> rural settlement in<br />

periods when material objects are much scarcer. It is also, <strong>of</strong> course, only<br />

indirectly informative about the fields that were cultivated from these<br />

settlements and about what was grown on them – though some reasonable<br />

inferences can always be made on the basis <strong>of</strong> the possibilities and<br />

limitations dictated by soil, climate and prevalent market-conditions<br />

within the surrounding territory. However, only rarely do we get more<br />

direct and detailed information about agricultural methods and products<br />

– where ancient field-systems have survived and been studied, as on the<br />

moors <strong>of</strong> south-west England or in the wadis <strong>of</strong> the Libyan pre-desert;<br />

or where careful modern excavation and subsequent analysis have produced<br />

evidence from a site in the form <strong>of</strong> bones and carbonized or<br />

waterlogged vegetable material, <strong>of</strong> the particular plants and animals consumed<br />

on it.<br />

Archaeology finds ‘things’, and from these things it is <strong>of</strong>ten possible to<br />

reconstruct the human processes and structures that brought them about.<br />

However, some aspects <strong>of</strong> human life can only be very tentatively and insecurely<br />

explored from material evidence. In particular, the social structures<br />

that bind people together, willingly or unwillingly, are not normally revealed<br />

very explicitly in their houses and rubbish-dumps. For instance, there is as<br />

3 Throughout this and the following chapter I use ‘near east’ to describe the eastern provinces<br />

between Egypt to the south and Asia Minor to the north. For Boeotia: Bintliff (1985).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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