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justin ii 89<br />

always have struck hardest in densely populated cities but more lightly in<br />

the countryside. Recent survey and other archaeological work in Syria and<br />

Palestine suggests that there was no appreciable decline in population<br />

before the seventh century. 7<br />

Justin was certainly interested in provincial stability, and in a law <strong>of</strong> 569<br />

he attempted to ensure that governors were appointed without payments<br />

(suffragia) and on the nomination <strong>of</strong> local interest groups, though an edict<br />

<strong>of</strong> Tiberius from 574 may indicate that the law was ineffectual. Justin also<br />

acted quickly to stop urban violence in Constantinople, warning the Blue<br />

faction that their patron Justinian was dead but threatening the rival Greens<br />

that they would find Justinian still alive. 8 One factor in the rioting <strong>of</strong><br />

Justinian’s last years was undoubtedly the general awareness <strong>of</strong> the<br />

emperor’s extreme age and the lack <strong>of</strong> a clear successor, whereas an appearance<br />

<strong>of</strong> stability, coupled with decisive leadership and an occasional show<br />

<strong>of</strong> force, was normally enough to contain urban unrest.<br />

The church benefited from Justin’s determination to reverse some <strong>of</strong><br />

Justinian’s policies. Aphthartodocetism was renounced, and it was ruled<br />

that the creed <strong>of</strong> Constantinople should be read in churches before the<br />

Lord’s Prayer, a move that both demonstrated Justin’s orthodoxy and sidestepped<br />

the contentious question <strong>of</strong> the status <strong>of</strong> Chalcedon (since the<br />

Constantinople creed antedated that <strong>of</strong> Chalcedon). Justin’s objective was<br />

doctrinal unity, but this meant being seen to act differently in different parts<br />

<strong>of</strong> the empire. In the west the schism caused by Justinian’s Three Chapters<br />

edict dragged on, and Justin could only bring peace by appearing a staunch<br />

upholder <strong>of</strong> Chalcedon: he seems to have achieved this by means <strong>of</strong> a statement<br />

<strong>of</strong> intent that was perhaps reinforced by strategic gifts such as the<br />

silver-gilt cross and the reliquary <strong>of</strong> the Cross that were sent respectively<br />

to Rome and the monastery <strong>of</strong> Radegund at Poitiers. In the east the opposite<br />

behaviour was required, and Justin initiated discussions with leading<br />

Monophysites in an attempt to find a neo-Chalcedonian formula on which<br />

reconciliation could be based. 9<br />

It is difficult to follow these ecclesiastical developments because our<br />

sources were all interested parties, but it is clear that at an intellectual level<br />

compromise could be reached by emphasizing the single nature <strong>of</strong> God the<br />

Word incarnate. Monophysite confidence was further attracted by the<br />

honourable treatment accorded the patriarch Theodosius <strong>of</strong> Alexandria,<br />

who died in 566, and by Justin’s willingness to have the name <strong>of</strong> Severus<br />

<strong>of</strong> Antioch included in the diptychs. In the east, however, Monophysite<br />

monks reacted angrily to proposals agreed by their leaders, while back<br />

in Constantinople Justin’s attempts to rescue discussions failed when<br />

7 Whittow (1990) 13–20; Whitby (1995). 8 Nov. 149, 161; Theophanes 243.4–9.<br />

9 Cameron (1976); Allen (1980).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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