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anastasius 61<br />

ruler whose policies by and large served to stabilize the empire, which at<br />

his death was in most respects in a stronger position than it had been for<br />

more than a century.<br />

Religious policy also played a part in preserving the emperor’s position.<br />

Regular pronouncements throughout the century against pagans, Jews or<br />

heterodox Christian groups served to re-emphasize imperial piety, a virtue<br />

which helped to <strong>of</strong>fset the less martial character <strong>of</strong> imperial life in the fifth<br />

century. Like non-campaigning, however, religious policy could be twoedged<br />

in its potential consequences. Chalcedon undoubtedly brought<br />

Marcian immediate political benefits in certain vital quarters, but it was also<br />

the catalyst for a polarization <strong>of</strong> opinion within the eastern church which<br />

caused increasing difficulties for his successors. Arguably the most important<br />

success <strong>of</strong> Zeno’s reign was his holding <strong>of</strong> the resultant tensions in<br />

balance, albeit temporarily, through the Henotikon; arguably the most<br />

important failure <strong>of</strong> Anastasius’ reign was his inability to sustain that<br />

balance, though as we have seen he was to a considerable extent at the<br />

mercy <strong>of</strong> pressures beyond his control. Interestingly, this was one area<br />

where western emperors had far less to worry about, but recognition <strong>of</strong><br />

that serves only to pose the basic question all the more acutely.<br />

In foreign relations, the east undoubtedly faced some serious tests, particularly<br />

in the Balkan provinces, whose security and economy were placed<br />

under severe strain by the Huns during the first half <strong>of</strong> the century and<br />

then by the Goths in the second half. Against these difficulties, however,<br />

must be set the experience <strong>of</strong> Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine and Egypt, which<br />

remained securely under government control and suffered only occasional<br />

disruption, if any. This situation owed much to the geographical<br />

configuration <strong>of</strong> the region – Asia Minor and Egypt were both well insulated<br />

from serious external threat – and to the overall stability <strong>of</strong> relations<br />

with the empire’s most powerful neighbour, Persia, despite the existence <strong>of</strong><br />

the tensions discussed earlier. In addition to circumstances specific to the<br />

fifth century such as the preoccupation <strong>of</strong> both powers with dangers on<br />

other fronts, this stability may also in part be attributed to the general constraint<br />

imposed by the sheer difficulty both powers faced in mounting a<br />

major invasion without its being anticipated by the other. 160<br />

It is in their implications for the area <strong>of</strong> imperial finances that these considerations<br />

have their greatest significance: compared with the west, the<br />

eastern empire suffered only limited erosion <strong>of</strong> its tax base. Above all, the<br />

revenues <strong>of</strong> Egypt, whose importance in the eastern economy paralleled<br />

that <strong>of</strong> North Africa in the western, remained at the uninterrupted disposal<br />

<strong>of</strong> Constantinople. Thus even when financial crises occurred, such as<br />

those precipitated by Attila’s demands in the late 440s or by the failure <strong>of</strong><br />

160 Cf. Lee (1993b) 18–20, 112–20, 139–42.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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