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CHAPTER 25<br />

MONASTICISM<br />

philip rousseau<br />

Devotion to asceticism was a highly visible and in some ways alarming<br />

feature <strong>of</strong> the late Roman world. That thousands <strong>of</strong> men and women were<br />

ready to adopt a life <strong>of</strong> radical simplicity, sexual abstinence and apparent<br />

indifference to wealth, status and power, and that even larger numbers were<br />

willing to admire if not imitate their choice, tells us something remarkable<br />

about the society in which they lived. Restrictions in diet and sexual behaviour<br />

had been accepted for centuries; and abnegation was frequently<br />

accompanied by a rejection <strong>of</strong> influence in public affairs and <strong>of</strong> privilege<br />

and property. Christians, however, from the third century onwards, were<br />

responsible for an unprecedented upsurge in ascetic devotion. The movement<br />

transformed town as well as countryside: famous exemplars may have<br />

congregated at first in remoter districts; but a new class <strong>of</strong> citizen became<br />

more widely evident at an early stage. Distinguished at times by an appalling<br />

emaciation <strong>of</strong> the body, by filth and infestation, by ragged, colourless<br />

and skimpy clothes, large numbers <strong>of</strong> these ascetics converged, at<br />

moments <strong>of</strong> crisis, on the cities themselves, forming virtual mobs that were<br />

capable not only <strong>of</strong> menace but <strong>of</strong> real power. Within a relatively short<br />

time, they occupied special and prominent buildings, administered successful<br />

rural estates, broadcast their views in public fora, and gained the ear <strong>of</strong><br />

those in power – invading, in other words, the chief components <strong>of</strong> the<br />

late Roman polity.<br />

This outburst <strong>of</strong> negation – against the body, the family, the accepted<br />

canons <strong>of</strong> economic and political success – demands historical explanation.<br />

There was a view <strong>of</strong> the self and <strong>of</strong> the world that gave the ascetic<br />

movement its cohesion, its capacity for organic development and its broadening<br />

appeal. Conversely, the structure and growth <strong>of</strong> its institutions at<br />

once encouraged and protected the ascetic urge. To that extent, the phenomenon<br />

had a life and significance <strong>of</strong> its own. Yet ascetics developed also<br />

a subtle relationship with society at large. They regarded their interpretation<br />

<strong>of</strong> human nature, <strong>of</strong> psychology and anthropology, as defining both<br />

the power and the destiny <strong>of</strong> any human person. So the stable society they<br />

created for themselves – its routine, its economy, its sense <strong>of</strong> order and<br />

authority – stood also as an invitation, a call to ‘conversion’. Ascetics could<br />

745<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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