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syria, palestine and mesopotamia 599<br />

theological issues raised by the Monophysite controversy are discussed<br />

elsewhere in this volume (see pp. 818,33 below), and it is the political and<br />

social dimensions which are to be addressed here. The Monophysite controversy<br />

affected all the churches <strong>of</strong> the empire in one way or another, but<br />

nowhere else did it cause such violent dispute as in the patriarchate <strong>of</strong><br />

Antioch, because here it became associated with other social and cultural<br />

divisions which aroused popular passions.<br />

The dispute over the definition <strong>of</strong> orthodoxy accepted by the Council<br />

<strong>of</strong> Chalcedon in 451 expressed deep divisions over the understanding <strong>of</strong><br />

the central Christian mystery <strong>of</strong> the incarnation. The contrast between the<br />

full humanity <strong>of</strong> Christ stressed by the Dyophysites (who <strong>of</strong> course<br />

accepted his divine nature as well) contrasted with the emphasis on the<br />

single, divine nature <strong>of</strong> Christ upheld by the Monophysites.<br />

There was also something <strong>of</strong> a linguistic divide. Monophysite doctrines<br />

were espoused and expounded in the main by Syriac speakers and writers.<br />

Even in the case <strong>of</strong> Monophysite thinkers fully educated in the Greek tradition,<br />

like Severus <strong>of</strong> Antioch (d. 538), their writings have survived in<br />

Syriac versions. Others, like Severus’ radical ally, Philoxenus <strong>of</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>erapolis<br />

(d. 523), and the historian John <strong>of</strong> Ephesus, wrote only in Syriac. In general,<br />

Chalcedonian Christianity found its popular support in the cities and<br />

among the Greek-speaking élite, especially within the ambit <strong>of</strong> the patriarchate<br />

<strong>of</strong> Jerusalem, while the Syriac-speaking small towns and villages,<br />

away from the coast and towards the Persian frontier, were more solidly<br />

Monophysite.<br />

The Monophysite movement in Syria found its staunchest adherents<br />

among the monks. Even before Chalcedon, monks like Mar Barsawma (d.<br />

459), who spoke no Greek, were openly hostile to episcopal authority.<br />

Syrian monasticism tended to be anarchic and individualist, 36 and many<br />

monks objected to being subordinate to a hierarchy, especially if the hierarchs<br />

spoke a different language and held questionable theological views.<br />

The monastic nature <strong>of</strong> the Monophysite community became even more<br />

pronounced after 518, when imperial pressure ensured that all the established<br />

bishops were firmly Chalcedonian. It was Monophysite monks,<br />

especially those <strong>of</strong> the frontier monastery at Qartmin, near Dara, who<br />

ensured that the council called by the patricius John, on the orders <strong>of</strong> Justin<br />

II, to try to resolve the issue at Callinicum in 567, ended in failure. 37<br />

There were also notable regional differences. By the mid sixth century,<br />

when the alternative Monophysite hierarchy was being established, we can<br />

see that Syria I, Euphratensis, Osrhoene and Mesopotamia had large, probably<br />

majority, Monophysite communities. In contrast, Syria II and the<br />

Phoenicias were mostly Chalcedonian. However, the Ghassānids were firm<br />

36 See Vööbus (1958–9) for the full richness <strong>of</strong> the Syrian ascetic tradition. 37 Palmer (1990) 150.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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