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654 22a. the sasanid monarchy<br />

the royal bureaucracy (dibiran, i.e. scribes). Finally, the commoners are<br />

enumerated, subdivided into peasants (vastaryoshan) and artisans (hutuxshan).<br />

If the two hierarchies, inscriptional and literary, are to be amalgamated,<br />

the inscriptional hierarchy <strong>of</strong> nobility should be seen as an<br />

expansion <strong>of</strong> the second estate in the literary sources; on the other hand,<br />

the literary hierarchy may not be contemporaneous, since there is no evidence<br />

for a separate priestly caste in the early period.<br />

Royal power and influence depended to a large degree on effective<br />

control <strong>of</strong> the shahrdaran as well as on the active support <strong>of</strong> the majority<br />

<strong>of</strong> the vuzurgan, or equivalent groups, whatever their names in later<br />

periods. Their co-operation would be needed for the recruitment <strong>of</strong> the<br />

asavaran who owed allegiance to them, and their consent would be required<br />

for the imposition <strong>of</strong> royal taxation within their domains. Sasanid military<br />

organization has been described as ‘feudal’, basically similar to its Arsacid<br />

predecessor, and this definition may help us to understand how the<br />

Sasanid system functioned. From our meagre information about remuneration<br />

for the pr<strong>of</strong>essional core <strong>of</strong> soldiery, we may conclude that it was<br />

supported through land grants rather than paid in money or kind. Thus it<br />

is tempting to accept the notion <strong>of</strong> enfe<strong>of</strong>fment, which by its very nature<br />

entails bonds <strong>of</strong> trust and dependence that may be described as ties <strong>of</strong> vassalage.<br />

Yet, if this picture provides a fairly accurate idea <strong>of</strong> the relationship<br />

between the king and warriors conscripted in his own domain, as well as<br />

<strong>of</strong> that between the grandees and their own warriors, it does not reveal the<br />

realities <strong>of</strong> the links between king and grandees. The latter’s domains<br />

might have been considered as fiefs from the former, but in most cases<br />

this status would only have been theoretical, since forfeiture <strong>of</strong> such ‘fiefs’<br />

to the crown could hardly be enforced by means <strong>of</strong> a simple legal procedure,<br />

without the need to resort to arms: as in any feudal monarchy, there<br />

was no guarantee that every Sasanid king could control all the grandees all<br />

the time.<br />

v. taxation and military organization<br />

In an empire which minted a stable silver coinage, the drahm, throughout<br />

most <strong>of</strong> its history, this continuing resort to grants <strong>of</strong> land in return for<br />

military service calls for an explanation. The drahm was the only denomination<br />

in constant circulation, which raises the question whether such a<br />

simple economic system can be described as a truly advanced monetary<br />

economy. Gold dinars were issued occasionally – not, so it seems, for purposes<br />

<strong>of</strong> monetary circulation, but rather in commemoration <strong>of</strong> solemn<br />

events. Bronze change seems to have been issued only very intermittently,<br />

perhaps in response to specific demands, as at Merv; the volume progressively<br />

decreased, which poses problems for the mechanics <strong>of</strong> everyday eco-<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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