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224 8. administration and politics in the cities<br />

l<strong>of</strong>ty senatorial titles surely were the descendants <strong>of</strong> decurions or owners<br />

<strong>of</strong> curial land. But there still were individuals described as decurions (i.e.<br />

bouleutai, politeuomenoi) who continued to play some public role, even if it is<br />

not clear how they fitted into the system. 131<br />

In spite <strong>of</strong> a seeming abundance <strong>of</strong> material, the picture <strong>of</strong> civic government<br />

remains extremely fragmentary. How were the various appointments<br />

made, and how were the various activities co-ordinated? It may be that<br />

assignement to ‘houses’ rather than individuals meant that fewer elections<br />

and appointments were needed. But somebody must have drawn up the<br />

rotas and supervised the working <strong>of</strong> the administration. At Antaiopolis, 132<br />

and at Arsinoe, Herakleopolis and Oxyrhynchus, politics seem to have been<br />

dominated by the heads <strong>of</strong> a handful <strong>of</strong> great houses. These families, <strong>of</strong><br />

whom the Apions are much the best known, regularly filled not only the<br />

pagarchate but also the civic executive <strong>of</strong>fices <strong>of</strong> logistes, pater or proedros. 133<br />

Sometimes the same individual held all three. 134 It is likely that if any<br />

serious problem arose at Oxyrhynchus or Arsinoe, the Apions would have<br />

had the last word.<br />

7. The factions and the games<br />

It will be seen that the ‘late late Roman’ arrangements for municipal<br />

government had no constitutional procedure for compelling the oligarchy<br />

<strong>of</strong> notables to admit colleagues whom they did not want to admit – unless<br />

the imperial administration could be induced to intervene, or the oligarchs<br />

could be impressed with the strength <strong>of</strong> public opinion. Both objectives<br />

were achieved most effectively by demonstrations. The best-documented<br />

example <strong>of</strong> a campaign <strong>of</strong> demonstrations against a local magnate is that<br />

orchestrated against bishop Ibas <strong>of</strong> Edessa by a group <strong>of</strong> mainly clerical or<br />

monastic opponents, who were successful in winning the emperor’s<br />

support for the deposition <strong>of</strong> the bishop. 135 We hear <strong>of</strong> a comparable but<br />

unsuccessful campaign waged against the patriarch Gregory <strong>of</strong> Antioch. 136<br />

We have no information about any comparable campaign against a secular<br />

urban magnate. But then the historical sources at no period concern themselves<br />

with the municipal politics <strong>of</strong> provincial cities. However, the role <strong>of</strong><br />

the factions in the troubles in Egypt in the reign <strong>of</strong> Phocas suggests that<br />

these organizations, whose duty it was to lead acclamations in theatre and<br />

hippodrome, had become deeply involved in local conflicts. 137 This is precisely<br />

what one would expect in a political situation where demonstrations,<br />

more or less violent, were the only procedure for bringing about change.<br />

In late antiquity, civic shows underwent important changes. There were<br />

131 Geremek (1981), (1990). 132 E.g. PLRE iii.830: the various Fl. Mariani . . . Gabrielii . . .<br />

133 Gascou (1985) 61–71. 134 P.Oxy. 2780.7–11; SB xii.11079.7–8; Sijpesteijn (1986) 113–7.<br />

135 Flemming and H<strong>of</strong>fmann (1917) 15–55. 136 Evagr. HE vi.7. 137 See p. 228 below.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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