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the historical framework 575<br />

hierarchy. Thus, the ancient and traditional conflict between Nicaea and<br />

Nicomedia, which had continued throughout the Roman imperial period,<br />

survived at an ecclesiastical level and had to be resolved at the Council <strong>of</strong><br />

Chalcedon (451). The Council <strong>of</strong> Nicaea had formalized an arrangement<br />

by which the metropolis <strong>of</strong> a secular province was also the metropolitan<br />

archbishopric <strong>of</strong> a coterminous diocese, and this continued to be the<br />

general rule. By the sixth century, the system seems to have stabilized, so<br />

that when Justinian combined several provinces he specified that this<br />

should not affect the church administration. 8<br />

It is arguable that the coincidence <strong>of</strong> diocese and province further<br />

enhanced the sense, mentioned above, <strong>of</strong> ‘belonging’ to a province. The<br />

council <strong>of</strong> bishops <strong>of</strong> a province could meet regularly and form an effective<br />

pressure group. The most striking example <strong>of</strong> this is provided by the<br />

bishops <strong>of</strong> Cyprus, who petitioned the Council <strong>of</strong> Ephesus (431) to<br />

confirm their right to select and consecrate their own metropolitan bishop,<br />

giving their island a unique status within the church. When this status was<br />

called in question again, in 488, the metropolitan Anthemius was guided by<br />

a dream to discover the body <strong>of</strong> St Barnabas, buried with his own copy <strong>of</strong><br />

the gospel according to St Matthew; this evidence <strong>of</strong> apostolic foundation<br />

was sufficient to ensure the continued independence <strong>of</strong> the archbishopric,<br />

together with particular privileges from the emperor Zeno, including the<br />

right to sign documents, as the emperor did, in red ink. Such developments<br />

may have been far more significant to the inhabitants <strong>of</strong> a province than<br />

modifications in the imperial administration, and they must have reinforced<br />

the local authority <strong>of</strong> bishops. 9<br />

iii. the historical framework<br />

Asia Minor differs most strikingly from other parts <strong>of</strong> the empire at this<br />

period in one crucial respect: it was virtually unaffected by war. During the<br />

anarchic years <strong>of</strong> the third century, Goths had harried coastal cities, and<br />

the forces <strong>of</strong> Palmyra had at one stage invaded the peninsula. But by the<br />

end <strong>of</strong> the third century Roman control was secure, and would continue<br />

to be until the Persian attacks <strong>of</strong> the early seventh century. During the<br />

fifth century, as huge areas <strong>of</strong> Roman territory came under foreign<br />

control, Asia Minor was untouched by external threats; not only was it<br />

buffered by Armenia and Syria to the east, and Greece and Thrace to the<br />

west, but the strategic position <strong>of</strong> Constantinople, powerfully fortified<br />

by land and in control <strong>of</strong> crucial sea-routes, <strong>of</strong>fered vital protection.<br />

The security <strong>of</strong> this area must have reduced the contemporary sense <strong>of</strong><br />

8 For secular rivalry see Roueché, Aphrodisias; for rivalries within the church hierarchy, Jones, LRE<br />

873–94; for Cyprus, Jones, LRE 873 and <strong>Hi</strong>ll (1949) 276–8.<br />

9 ACO i.ii.vii, 118–22, with Jones, LRE 873.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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