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ural settlement (villages, farmsteads and villas) 327<br />

post-Roman times: cataclysmic collapse, followed by painfully slow recovery<br />

up to around 1,000 (when real economic and demographic growth, as<br />

well as decent documentation, begin).<br />

The archaeological evidence available at present, therefore, cannot prove<br />

dramatic demographic decline, while the Carolingian evidence shows that<br />

the rural population could well have been large in the ninth century.<br />

However, there is still plenty <strong>of</strong> room within the archaeological record and<br />

within the four centuries between 400 and 800 for a substantial fall in population<br />

in post-Roman times. Indeed, on balance I believe that the population<br />

did drop, perhaps even dramatically (i.e. to half – or even less – <strong>of</strong> its<br />

previous, Roman levels). My reasons for thinking this have got less to do<br />

with the evidence directly relevant to population levels (whose unreliability<br />

I have stressed) than with my understanding <strong>of</strong> the workings <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Roman and post-Roman economies, as set out in the next chapter. There I<br />

argue that many Roman and late Roman farmers were involved in commercialized<br />

and specialized production, and that this both opened up marginal<br />

land for exploitation and settlement and allowed other land to be exploited<br />

in a more specialized and efficient way. If so, the land in the Roman period<br />

is likely to have produced more, and in consequence the population is likely<br />

to have risen. Equally, if, as I believe, these conditions did not persist into<br />

post-Roman times, then the population supported by the land is very likely<br />

to have dropped substantially.<br />

iii. rural settlement (villages, farmsteads and villas)<br />

Both the archaeological and the documentary evidence are rather fuller<br />

when it comes to another fundamental aspect <strong>of</strong> rural life: the pattern <strong>of</strong><br />

settlement. But even here the evidence is by no means entirely satisfactory.<br />

The written record consists mainly <strong>of</strong> incidental references to settlements,<br />

sometimes very obscure because we no longer know precisely what contemporaries<br />

meant by some <strong>of</strong> the terms they used. Did ‘villa’ in sixthcentury<br />

Frankish usage, for instance, mean an estate, a luxurious country<br />

dwelling, a farmstead, a village or any one <strong>of</strong> the four in different contexts?<br />

21 Meanwhile, the archaeological record, at least until recently, has<br />

been heavily weighted towards sites that are likely to produce beautiful and<br />

impressive results. Fortunately, in the near east this weighting has included<br />

the magnificent mosaic pavements <strong>of</strong> village churches in modern Israel<br />

and Jordan, and the wonderfully preserved stone village churches and<br />

village houses <strong>of</strong> regions like the Negev, the Hauran and the north Syrian<br />

limestone uplands. 22 But in most <strong>of</strong> the empire, archaeological interest has<br />

21 See, for instance, Heinzelmann (1993).<br />

22 See p. 321 above, n. 12. For the mosaics and churches <strong>of</strong> Jordan and Israel: Piccirillo (1985) and<br />

(1993); Ovadiah (1970).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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