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202 7. government and administration<br />

military–civilian disputes in Pisidia and Thrace by uniting powers. 173 The<br />

archive <strong>of</strong> Dioscorus <strong>of</strong> Aphrodito illustrates the problems caused by<br />

conflict between a community’s traditional right <strong>of</strong> autopragia, the right to<br />

pay its taxes direct to the provincial governor, and the desire <strong>of</strong> the governor’s<br />

tax-collector, in this case the pagarch Menas, to have all local taxes<br />

gathered under his authority (with consequent opportunities for graft).<br />

Dioscorus’ reports <strong>of</strong> the violence inflicted on Aphrodito may well be<br />

exaggerated (see pp. 185 and 188 above), but his plea appears to have been<br />

upheld, and he was able to obtain an injunction from the duke <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Thebaid that ordered the pagarch to behave properly, and confirmation for<br />

Aphrodito’s special tax position from the imperial court after an appeal to<br />

the empress Theodora. From Dioscorus’ perspective, the actions <strong>of</strong> Menas<br />

were an unwarranted encroachment on Aphrodito’s long-standing privileges,<br />

but from a broader perspective this competition to extract tax revenues<br />

might have been seen as a means <strong>of</strong> ensuring the full payment <strong>of</strong> fiscal<br />

dues. 174<br />

A final area <strong>of</strong> change deserving comment is the linguistic dimension <strong>of</strong><br />

government. Latin had always been the <strong>of</strong>ficial language <strong>of</strong> administration<br />

and continued to be so in the various barbarian successor states <strong>of</strong> the west.<br />

In the surviving eastern half <strong>of</strong> the empire, however, our period sees its<br />

gradual displacement by Greek – one aspect <strong>of</strong> the broader transformation<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Roman empire into the Byzantine. Although during the principate<br />

the imperial government had generally communicated with Greek-speaking<br />

communities in their own language, this was a practical concession on<br />

the part <strong>of</strong> emperors drawn almost uniformly from Latin-speaking parts<br />

<strong>of</strong> the empire, who issued their legislation in Latin (even if it was then<br />

sometimes translated into Greek) and who communicated in Latin with<br />

their <strong>of</strong>ficials, most <strong>of</strong> whom were from the same background. Indeed, the<br />

advent <strong>of</strong> the military emperors <strong>of</strong> the late third and fourth centuries,<br />

accustomed as they also were to Latin as the language <strong>of</strong> the army, seems<br />

to have resulted in a renewed emphasis on Latin as the language <strong>of</strong> administration<br />

even in the Greek east, while the opportunities <strong>of</strong>fered by an<br />

enlarged bureaucracy and the emergence <strong>of</strong> Constantinople as an administrative<br />

centre created a demand in the fourth-century east for education<br />

in Latin, much to the chagrin <strong>of</strong> Libanius. 175 This heightened pr<strong>of</strong>ile for<br />

Latin, however, proved relatively short-lived. Concessions to the predominant<br />

language in the east began to appear from the turn <strong>of</strong> the fourth<br />

century onwards – a law <strong>of</strong> 397 allowed judges to give their decisions in<br />

Latin or Greek, another <strong>of</strong> 439 accepted the legal validity <strong>of</strong> wills in Greek,<br />

while the contemporary praetorian prefect <strong>of</strong> the east, Cyrus (439–41),<br />

173 Nov. 24.1; 26. 174 MacCoull, Dioscorus 10–11, 23–8.<br />

175 Dagron (1969) 38–40; Liebeschuetz (1972) 242–55, esp. 251–2.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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