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population change and economic change 389<br />

producers and fewer consumers around. But qualitatively the economy may<br />

even have improved, since individual peasants were able to produce greater<br />

surpluses and to convert them into more coins and into more specialized<br />

products. 77<br />

Precise circumstances in late antiquity were certainly different to those<br />

current in fourteenth-century England: for instance, the densely-settled<br />

marginal lands <strong>of</strong> the fifth- and sixth-century near east appear, at least from<br />

the archaeological record, to be characterized by prosperity rather than by<br />

the misery documented on marginal land in pre-plague England. However,<br />

if there was a marked fall in population in the sixth century (as there may<br />

have been in the plague <strong>of</strong> 541–3), whatever the detailed local circumstances,<br />

it should have been a relief to abandon some <strong>of</strong> the harsher lands<br />

(like the wadis <strong>of</strong> the Negev) and to concentrate on more productive and<br />

less difficult cultivation elsewhere. A substantial fall in population would<br />

certainly have led to a shrinkage <strong>of</strong> the total scale <strong>of</strong> the economy, and<br />

hence, for instance, to a fall in the pr<strong>of</strong>its <strong>of</strong> both the state and <strong>of</strong> landlords;<br />

but it should not have affected the base <strong>of</strong> the economy, except<br />

perhaps positively.<br />

Another major problem in assuming that population growth caused economic<br />

growth (and, similarly, that population decline caused economic<br />

decline) is the probability that the causal relationship was <strong>of</strong>ten the other<br />

way round. Some population changes – in particular, the universal plague<br />

<strong>of</strong> 541–3 – cannot readily be related to specific economic circumstances,<br />

and were perhaps truly random acts <strong>of</strong> God. However, what seems to have<br />

been a much more gradual decline in the population <strong>of</strong> the west and north<br />

through the centuries <strong>of</strong> late antiquity is most simply explained as a consequence<br />

<strong>of</strong> the economic decline <strong>of</strong> these areas, just as the apparent rise in<br />

rural settlement and population through the fourth and fifth century in the<br />

east was perhaps the result <strong>of</strong> economic prosperity.<br />

As argued earlier, some areas <strong>of</strong> the ancient world seem, in particular<br />

centuries, to have been much more prosperous and more commercialized<br />

than other areas. These same areas also produce evidence <strong>of</strong> both intensive<br />

and extensive settlement in the countryside. Conversely, periods <strong>of</strong><br />

economic simplification correspond to periods <strong>of</strong> declining evidence <strong>of</strong><br />

rural settlement. Prosperity and a rising population (and poverty and a<br />

falling population) do seem to have been related in our period; but it also<br />

seems likely that it was fluctuations in prosperity that were the prime<br />

movers in the relationship. 78<br />

77 Hatcher (1977).<br />

78 Since, as I argued in ch. 12 (pp. 324,7 above), it is at present almost impossible to disentangle evidence<br />

for rural population numbers from evidence for changing rural prosperity, the apparently tight<br />

connection between the two may, however, be deceptive.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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