Cambridge Ancient Hi.. - Index of

the successors of theodosius 43
Marcian was certainly not his selection, since Valentinian pointedly refused
to acknowledge his accession until March 452. 60 Some sources attribute the
choice to Pulcheria, a possibility rendered plausible by her subsequent marriage
to Marcian, but one which there are in fact strong reasons to doubt. 61
Aspar is more credible as kingmaker in 450: Marcian had served as aide to
Aspar and his father for fifteen years, and Aspar’s son Ardabur was promoted
to a high military command soon after Marcian’s accession. Yet Aspar
himself was not in a strong position during Theodosius’ final years – unlike
Flavius Zeno, who also benefited from Marcian’s rise. Strange though the
notion of co-operation between Aspar and Zeno may seem, Marcian may in
fact have been their joint candidate. 62
Whatever the solution to this conundrum, there can be no doubt that
Marcian’s accession signalled significant change. Chrysaphius was quickly
eliminated, and with him went the major policies with which he had been
identified: Marcian refused to make any further annual payments to Attila
and soon took steps to overturn the results of the recent second council of
Ephesus. If Zeno played a key role in Marcian’s promotion, then this would
help to explain the reversal of policy towards Attila, Zeno having been a
staunch critic of the payments during Theodosius’ final years. It is less
likely, however, to account for the change in ecclesiastical policy, for Zeno
was a pagan. 63 Pulcheria, however, had a deep interest in the latter area, and
undoing the second council of Ephesus may have been her quid pro quo for
agreeing to marry Marcian, an essential step towards legitimating his rule. 64
Marriage to Pulcheria did not, however, solve all his problems on this
front. His undistinguished background was an impediment to winning senatorial
support, and Valentinian’s refusal to acknowledge his accession left
a worrying question mark over his right to rule. His changes of policy can
also be seen as strategies for overcoming these immediate political handicaps.
A tough line towards Attila as he moved to invade Gaul was a good
way of expressing solidarity with the west and, hopefully, of earning the
gratitude and recognition of Valentinian, 65 while the termination of payments
to Attila permitted tax concessions and so stood to gain the new
emperor much-needed domestic support, particularly from the senatorial
60 Burgess (1993–4) 63. One source (John Ant. Excerpta de insidiis (de Boor) 85) even suggests that
Valentinian would have taken steps to remove Marcian had he not been opposed in this by Aetius.
61 Burgess (1993–4).
62 This is the proposal of Zuckerman (1994) 169–76, who argues that Aspar had been removed from
his command after the defeats of 447, whereas Zeno had effective control of the only two eastern field
armies not damaged in that débâcle and was therefore the most powerful general at the time of
Theodosius’ death. Moreover, Zeno’s elevation to the distinction of patricius must date to the beginning
of Marcian’s reign (174 n. 56), and Marcian’s reversal of policy on subsidies to Attila coincides with
Zeno’s views on this issue.
63 Zuckerman (1994) 176 observes the irony of this. Of course, Zeno’s hostility towards
Chrysaphius may have inclined him to overturn as many as possible of the latter’s policies, irrespective
of where Zeno’s personal sympathies lay. 64 Cf. Burgess (1993–4) 65. 65 Hohlfelder (1984) 60.
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