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296 11. the army, c. 420,602<br />

the tribal groupings whose military success had contributed to the destruction<br />

<strong>of</strong> confidence in the emperor. These revolts could only be suppressed<br />

with the assistance <strong>of</strong> other tribes, whose loyalty had to be purchased with<br />

grants <strong>of</strong> territory – in effect, recognition <strong>of</strong> their squatters’ rights. Units<br />

<strong>of</strong> limitanei were drafted into the mobile armies and most military action<br />

now occurred well within the nominal Roman frontiers, thereby placing<br />

further strains on the economic and military system, as imperial forces in<br />

Gaul and Spain desperately tried to limit the extent <strong>of</strong> tribal control.<br />

In Italy Honorius’ death in 423 revealed the weakness <strong>of</strong> the armed<br />

forces available to an emperor. The usurper John, supported by the magister<br />

militum Castinus, had to confront an eastern army marching to install<br />

Honorius’ sister Placidia and her young son Valentinian III. John failed to<br />

rally western provincial armies, and his only hope <strong>of</strong> safety was the<br />

despatch <strong>of</strong> Aetius to the Huns to collect allies. These arrived just too late,<br />

and for the third time in a generation the eastern army overthrew a western<br />

usurper, but this time there was no need for a grand battle: Aspar indeed<br />

succeeded in spite <strong>of</strong> bad weather that disrupted his naval forces and led<br />

to the capture <strong>of</strong> his father Ardabur. 30<br />

Over the next two decades the demise <strong>of</strong> western armies as a public<br />

institution was hastened by the clash <strong>of</strong> local military interests, and by the<br />

personal ambitions <strong>of</strong> individual commanders. Initially, the ultimate prize<br />

for generals was the post <strong>of</strong> magister militum praesentalis, which gave predominance<br />

at the Ravenna court, but a reasonable substitute was a secure local<br />

power base. In this competition remnants <strong>of</strong> the Roman mobile and garrison<br />

armies played their part, but the allegiance <strong>of</strong> tribal groups was crucial:<br />

Aetius’ influence was based on his ability to recruit Huns, while Boniface<br />

defended his control <strong>of</strong> Africa by summoning the Vandals as supporters,<br />

with a share <strong>of</strong> the African provinces as reward. 31 Boniface and Aetius<br />

could produce armies to fight for control <strong>of</strong> Italy while the Vandals overran<br />

Africa and Visigoths and Burgundians consolidated their positions in Gaul,<br />

but neither the emperor nor his ministers could easily deploy reinforcements<br />

across regional boundaries to uphold imperial interests. The administrative<br />

problem is expounded in a Novel <strong>of</strong> Valentinian III in late 444: the<br />

empire desperately needed an army, but this required regular supplies<br />

which could not be squeezed from the western economy – the serene mind<br />

<strong>of</strong> the emperor was in turmoil over the remedy required by the crises. 32 The<br />

western emperor no longer commanded a mobile army.<br />

Valentinian’s problem was that the state no longer controlled sufficient<br />

resources: in 415–16 the Visigoths in Spain had been starved into submission,<br />

and then bribed with food to enter Roman service. Such experiences,<br />

30 PLRE ii s.v. Aetius 7, at p.22; Bury, LRE i.221–5. 31 PLRE ii s.v. Bonifatius 3.<br />

32 Valentinian III, Nov. 15 pref.; also Nov. 6.2–3, for contemporary recruitment problems.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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