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550 19. italy, a.d. 425,605<br />

ix. conclusion<br />

Under Lombards and Byzantines, then, Italy was very different from the<br />

territory restored to Valentinian in 425. The pace <strong>of</strong> change had varied<br />

from region to region, but, overall, Italy underwent a process markedly<br />

different from the rest <strong>of</strong> western Europe. Whereas Gaul, Spain and Britain<br />

had experienced considerable disruption in the fifth century, with the restoration<br />

<strong>of</strong> some form <strong>of</strong> equilibrium in the sixth, the situation in Italy was<br />

almost completely the reverse. The deposition <strong>of</strong> the last emperor passed<br />

almost without notice. Under Ostrogothic government the peninsula saw<br />

considerable continuity with the Roman past, even if not all members <strong>of</strong><br />

the Roman élite acquiesced in Theoderic’s regime. The forcible reintegration<br />

<strong>of</strong> Italy into the empire by Justinian, however, belatedly brought to<br />

Italy its share <strong>of</strong> cultural, economic, social and political dislocation.<br />

To a major extent, <strong>of</strong> course, Roman Italy had always been a conglomeration<br />

<strong>of</strong> regions united by the veneer <strong>of</strong> Roman civilization and government.<br />

Under Theoderic that veneer had held firm, but Justinian’s<br />

reconquest set in motion a sequence <strong>of</strong> events that caused the structures<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Roman state to collapse and the peninsula to disintegrate into separate<br />

regions. 127 The tumultuous events <strong>of</strong> the later sixth century saw Italy<br />

torn apart between the new reality <strong>of</strong> Lombard power and the outmoded<br />

aspirations <strong>of</strong> the imperial government in Constantinople. Such contradictions<br />

were echoed at the beginning <strong>of</strong> the seventh century by the complex<br />

reactions <strong>of</strong> Phocas to the new state <strong>of</strong> Italian affairs. In one sense, Phocas<br />

tacitly recognized that Italy was largely lost to the empire when he ratified<br />

Smaragdus’ treaties with Agilulf. Yet if by such actions Phocas seemed to<br />

acknowledge the changed nature <strong>of</strong> Italian political realities, he was prone<br />

to ideological conservatism. In 608, Smaragdus erected a column and<br />

gilded statue in Phocas’ honour by the Rostra in the Roman forum. On its<br />

base an inscription claimed that Phocas was ‘triumphator, forever<br />

Augustus’ who had achieved peace and libertas for Italy: 128 the rhetoric is<br />

substantially the same as that <strong>of</strong> Justinian.<br />

By the early seventh century, the very act <strong>of</strong> setting up the column, statue<br />

and inscription represented an anachronistic view <strong>of</strong> Rome and Italy and<br />

their place in the empire. While the shift in power from Ravenna to<br />

Constantinople meant that Italy was now a mere frontier province <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Byzantine empire, the idea that it was an imperial possession continued to<br />

beguile the emperors <strong>of</strong> Constantinople, and sixty years after Phocas one<br />

last attempt was made to restore Italy to the empire. In 662, Constans II<br />

came to Italy in person, aiming to wrest Italy from Lombard hands. Despite<br />

some early successes in southern Italy, Constans failed to achieve his ambi-<br />

127 Wickham (1981) 1–5, 9–14. 128 CIL 6.1200.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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