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the distribution <strong>of</strong> goods and wealth 373<br />

period marble fittings from Proconnesos and probably exported at least<br />

some <strong>of</strong> their wine overseas through Gaza. 45<br />

But land transport undoubtedly added considerably to cost, and those<br />

who did not have reasonably good access to waterways undoubtedly stood<br />

at a disadvantage if they wished to sell their produce away from their home<br />

region. For instance, the landowners <strong>of</strong> central Asia Minor are described<br />

by John Lydus, in the time <strong>of</strong> Justinian, as unable to sell their crops because<br />

they were ‘far removed from the sea’; while, by contrast, Agathias in the<br />

mid sixth century describes the Lazi, on the Black Sea coast <strong>of</strong> Asia Minor,<br />

as wealthy since ‘they put out to sea whenever possible and carry on a thriving<br />

commerce’. 46 For many producers, commercial viability must have been<br />

dependent on their access to water transport.<br />

Even if it is accepted that commerce, as well as imperial and aristocratic<br />

distribution, was one means whereby goods travelled overseas in the<br />

Roman world, it still remains to be seen how important this commerce was<br />

within the overall economy. Is it impressive only because archaeologists<br />

have concentrated their attention on it, since it both strikes the imagination<br />

and shows up so clearly in the archaeological record?<br />

There is certainly much to be said for such scepticism, and there is no<br />

doubt that we now need detailed studies <strong>of</strong> regional and local industries<br />

and networks <strong>of</strong> exchange to set beside the work that has already been<br />

done on long-distance distribution. For fine tablewares, some <strong>of</strong> this<br />

research has already appeared. To set alongside the information on African<br />

red-slip ware, it is already possible to form some impression <strong>of</strong> more<br />

regional industries, producing pottery <strong>of</strong> comparable style and quality, such<br />

as the various types <strong>of</strong> south Gaulish terre sigillée grise. 47 On a humbler and<br />

more basic level, however, we know as yet very little about the plentiful<br />

buff-coloured and grey tablewares and cooking-wares <strong>of</strong> the Roman, late<br />

Roman and early medieval centuries, partly because they are <strong>of</strong>ten undecorated<br />

and difficult to distinguish.<br />

Although regional and local economies undoubtedly deserve emphasis<br />

and more research, it would none the less be a mistake to dismiss long-distance<br />

trade as peripheral to the main base <strong>of</strong> the economy. For there is a<br />

very striking coincidence that cannot be avoided. Periods <strong>of</strong> rural prosperity<br />

in a particular region seem to coincide closely with periods in which the<br />

same region’s products show up in the archaeological record as exports<br />

overseas.<br />

This is true <strong>of</strong> Italy in the first century b.c. and the first century a.d.,<br />

when Italian wine, pottery and marble were exported all over the western<br />

45 Gaza wine: Riley (1979) 219–22. See also ch. 12, p.342 above, n. 60, for Cappadocian merchants<br />

travelling overland to northern Mesopotamia to buy wine.<br />

46 John Lydus: discussed by Hendy, Studies 295–6. Agathias <strong>Hi</strong>st. iii.5.3.<br />

47 Gaulish sigillata: Atlante (1981) 5–7; Reynolds (1995) 36–7.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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