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justin i and justinian 823<br />

Caesarea and John <strong>of</strong> Ephesus. 41 Theodora had Monophysite sympathies<br />

and became the patron <strong>of</strong> Monophysites in exile, sheltering them in one <strong>of</strong><br />

her palaces. According to the partisan John <strong>of</strong> Ephesus, these bishops,<br />

clergy and ascetics numbered more than five hundred, and one could<br />

go into the palace itself called that <strong>of</strong> Hormisdas, as into a great and marvellous<br />

desert <strong>of</strong> solitaries, and marvel at their numbers . . . and the same men’s spiritual<br />

songs which were heard from all sides, and their marvellous canticles and their melancholy<br />

voices. 42<br />

The polarization <strong>of</strong> the two sides in the debate over Chalcedon, which is<br />

particularly evident in the bias <strong>of</strong> the two most important church histories<br />

<strong>of</strong> the sixth century, those <strong>of</strong> John <strong>of</strong> Ephesus and the Chalcedonian<br />

Evagrius, went a step further in c. 530, when John <strong>of</strong> Tella began to ordain<br />

Monophysite clergy: this was eventually to lead to the separation <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Monophysite churches. Around 530 Justinian relaxed the persecution <strong>of</strong><br />

Monophysites, probably in order to be able to organize meetings in<br />

Constantinople between Chalcedonian and anti-Chalcedonian bishops and<br />

monastic representatives. But the Nika revolt <strong>of</strong> 532, which threatened the<br />

power <strong>of</strong> the Byzantine monarch, also demonstrated the extent <strong>of</strong> anti-<br />

Chalcedonian feeling in the capital, as well as the necessity <strong>of</strong> removing all<br />

suspicion <strong>of</strong> Nestorianism from the Chalcedonian position. The meetings<br />

<strong>of</strong> 532/3 between Chalcedonians and anti-Chalcedonians were attended by<br />

the patrician Strategius, whose reponsibility it was to report the progress <strong>of</strong><br />

the discussions to the emperor. The aim <strong>of</strong> this exercise was to conduct the<br />

debate on a purely theological plane, and, by allowing the anti-<br />

Chalcedonians to air their grievances against Chalcedon, to remove their<br />

doubts and restore an ecclesiastical unity based on acceptance <strong>of</strong> the<br />

council <strong>of</strong> 451. 43 This can be seen from the fact that Justinian himself presided<br />

over the last session <strong>of</strong> the talks, and that on their conclusion imperial<br />

decrees were promulgated, aimed at unifying the empire, accepting four<br />

councils, condemning Eutyches, Apollinaris and Nestorius, proposing the<br />

anti-Nestorian theopaschite formula <strong>of</strong> the Scythian monks (‘the one who<br />

suffered in the flesh is God and one <strong>of</strong> the Trinity’), but passing over the<br />

Tome <strong>of</strong> Leo. 44 The decrees were accepted in both east and west, and the<br />

Sleepless Monks were even condemned by Rome as ‘Nestorian’. Further<br />

accommodation <strong>of</strong> the anti-Chalcedonian position can be seen in the ordination<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Monophysite Theodosius to the patriarchate <strong>of</strong> Alexandria<br />

on 10 February 535, a move seemingly engineered by Theodora. The<br />

empress also arranged for the Chalcedonian bishop <strong>of</strong> Trebizond,<br />

41 Cameron, Procopius (1985) 49–83.<br />

42 John Eph. Lives <strong>of</strong> the Eastern Saints 47, ed. E. W. Brooks, PO xviii.677.<br />

43 Brock (1981); Speigl (1984); Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition ii.2 232–48.<br />

44 CJ i.1.6; i.1.7.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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