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448 16. state, lordship and community in the west<br />

That Catholic kings, at least, also appointed bishops reinforced the links<br />

between political and religious community. In practice, any would-be<br />

bishop had to make himself known at court, moving outside his own locality.<br />

Bishop Gregory’s election at Tours, for instance, was opposed by the<br />

archdeacon Riculf, who seems to have been a local candidate. But Gregory<br />

was physically at court (that <strong>of</strong> Sigibert), his family had a much higher political<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>ile, and it was Gregory who got the job. This close association <strong>of</strong><br />

king and bishop also posed potential problems. The root <strong>of</strong> Gregory’s<br />

difficulties with king Chilperic was the fact that he was the appointee <strong>of</strong><br />

Chilperic’s brother Sigibert and hence an object <strong>of</strong> suspicion when Tours<br />

passed into Chilperic’s hands. Bishops served for life and must <strong>of</strong>ten have<br />

outlived the kings who appointed them. 36 Even so, the practical power to<br />

appoint bishops meant that – at higher levels, at least – the religious life <strong>of</strong><br />

any kingdom revolved around kings and their courts. 37<br />

At first sight, these patterns <strong>of</strong> the later sixth and seventh century do not<br />

apply to the preceding century or so. Between c. 450 and 550, the monarchs<br />

and a substantial element <strong>of</strong> the political élite <strong>of</strong> many <strong>of</strong> the new and<br />

emerging successor states (the Ostrogothic, Burgundian and Vandal kingdoms,<br />

and Visigothic Spain before its conversion to Catholicism at the<br />

Third Council <strong>of</strong> Toledo in 587) did not subscribe to Catholic Christianity,<br />

but were so-called Arian Christians. Some <strong>of</strong> these kingdoms, particularly<br />

that <strong>of</strong> the Vandals under Geiseric and Huneric, 38 witnessed periods when<br />

Catholics were persecuted, but perhaps more striking is the extent to which<br />

the observations already made remain applicable.<br />

The Ostrogothic king Theoderic was concerned in all his propaganda<br />

and in every ceremonial act to stress that his rule was divinely ordained, and<br />

that he stood in a particular relationship to God. He was involved in the<br />

calling <strong>of</strong> church councils, and maintained, for the most part, good relations<br />

with the Catholic church. The papacy called upon him to settle disputed<br />

elections, and consulted him on ending the Acacian schism with the<br />

Greek east. Caesarius <strong>of</strong> Arles, likewise, obtained his papal vicariate<br />

through Theoderic’s intervention, and exploited the political unification <strong>of</strong><br />

his religious province by the Ostrogoths in the 520s (previously it had been<br />

partly under Burgundian rule) to initiate a series <strong>of</strong> reforming councils. In<br />

the Ostrogothic kingdom, even the king’s Arianism did not prevent<br />

Catholic churchmen from working around and through his power. 39<br />

36 See generally Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms ch. 5.<br />

37 This tendency was very partially countered by the existence <strong>of</strong> the papacy and the concept <strong>of</strong> a<br />

universal church. Churchmen were well aware <strong>of</strong> belonging to a wider Christian community, and considerable<br />

prestige attached to the papacy. But, as Peter Brown has recently put it, the western church<br />

consisted <strong>of</strong> ‘Micro Christendoms’: Brown (1996) esp. ch. 13.<br />

38 Famously described by Victor <strong>of</strong> Vita, CSEL 7.<br />

39 Heather (1996) ch. 8; cf. Moorhead (1992) 194ff. on the Acacian schism, and Klingshirn (1994)<br />

ch. 5.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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