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606 21b. syria, palestine and mesopotamia<br />

unknown) in the southern H · aurān and Soboda (Subeita) in the Negev have<br />

common characteristics: there is no formal urban planning at all, and the<br />

streets are narrow winding lanes, without porticoes and bordered by the<br />

mostly windowless outer walls <strong>of</strong> the houses. The only public buildings are<br />

churches, <strong>of</strong> which all the settlements have two or more, but the houses are<br />

sometimes large and well-built, centred on internal courtyards. All these<br />

settlements expanded greatly during the fifth and sixth century, and most<br />

<strong>of</strong> the surviving building can be dated to these centuries. The unplanned<br />

village-town is the characteristic feature <strong>of</strong> late antique settlement in the<br />

near east.<br />

The economic foundation <strong>of</strong> this prosperity was clearly agriculture,<br />

though some towns, notably Tyre, were probably in some sense industrial. 58<br />

The apparent prosperity <strong>of</strong> communities in such unpromising agricultural<br />

areas as the limestone hills <strong>of</strong> northern Syria has been the subject <strong>of</strong> some<br />

discussion. In his pioneering work on these areas, Tchalenko 59 suggested<br />

that this wealth was based on a monoculture <strong>of</strong> olives, and that the hill villages<br />

exported oil to Antioch and the Mediterranean world and bought in<br />

grain and other necessities from the rest <strong>of</strong> Syria. All this prosperity, he<br />

claimed, was brought to an abrupt end by the Persian and Muslim invasion<br />

<strong>of</strong> the early seventh century, which cut <strong>of</strong>f the area from its Mediterranean<br />

markets. This vision <strong>of</strong> a specialized, market-orientated agricultural<br />

economy is attractive but has been challenged more recently, and it now<br />

seems that agriculture was probably more mixed than Tchalenko suggested.<br />

Tate has pointed out that very few olive presses have been found in<br />

the area, certainly no more than would be needed for local consumption;<br />

that finds <strong>of</strong> animal bones suggest that animal husbandry was an important<br />

element in the local economy; and that settlement did not come to an<br />

end in the early seventh century but continued into the early Islamic<br />

period. 60 He argues for mixed peasant farming rather than a specialist<br />

economy based on cash crops, but this does not entirely explain the evident<br />

prosperity <strong>of</strong> the area in late antiquity in contrast to a lack <strong>of</strong> detectable<br />

settlement during the first three centuries a.d. and the apparent depopulation<br />

<strong>of</strong> the eighth, ninth and tenth. Villeneuve 61 notes the importance <strong>of</strong><br />

vineyards in the H · aurān, and this is supported by references in the early<br />

Islamic sources to the trade in wine and other agricultural products<br />

between the H · aurān and Arabia in the late sixth century. 62<br />

There were also significant regional variations. In the limestone massifs<br />

<strong>of</strong> northern Syria and the H · aurān, most <strong>of</strong> the evidence comes from<br />

inscriptions on standing buildings. In the area <strong>of</strong> modern Jordan, however,<br />

58 See Rey-Coquais (1977) 152–61; for prosperity see also Walmsley (1996).<br />

59 Tchalenko, Villages: his general theories are discussed in i.377–438.<br />

60 See Tate (1992). See also the extended excavation report from Déhès, a small village in the limestone<br />

massif, Sodini et al. (1980). 61 Villeneuve (1985) 121–5. 62 See Paret (1960).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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