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698 22c. the arabs<br />

<strong>of</strong> Abraham. 108 It therefore seems probable that there was a religious<br />

agenda to the conquests from the start, and it is certainly true that without<br />

the unifying factor <strong>of</strong> Islam there would probably have been no conquest<br />

at all.<br />

But the arguments <strong>of</strong> leaders and advocates are one thing, and the<br />

response <strong>of</strong> the fighters themselves is another. Even in Mecca and Medina<br />

the teachings <strong>of</strong> Muh · ammad and the text <strong>of</strong> the Qur�ān were still known<br />

in only fragmentary fashion, and it is difficult to see how most tribesmen<br />

elsewhere could have had more than a vague and trivial knowledge <strong>of</strong><br />

either so soon after the Prophet’s death. Many warriors who joined the conquest<br />

forces had only recently fought against the Prophet himself, or<br />

resisted the effort <strong>of</strong> the first two caliphs to bring Arabia under their<br />

control. It is also implausible that tribal warriors all over Arabia could so<br />

quickly have abandoned the pragmatic and worldly attitude toward religion<br />

that had prevailed for centuries, in favour <strong>of</strong> one that expected genuine<br />

commitment to the one God. There is, in fact, good evidence on the conquests<br />

showing that this was not the case at all. 109<br />

This is not to detract from the centrality <strong>of</strong> the message <strong>of</strong> Islam to<br />

Muh · ammad’s own sense <strong>of</strong> mission and purpose, and probably to that <strong>of</strong><br />

others around him. One may also concede that Islam enabled the Muslim<br />

leadership to mobilize warriors in a way that transcended important<br />

differences, and it is likely that Islamic slogans and admonitions <strong>of</strong> various<br />

kinds were frequently inspiring to fighters on the ground. But if the faith<br />

played an important role in uniting and mobilizing the tribes, it was nevertheless<br />

waves <strong>of</strong> tribal forces, motivated primarily by traditional tribal<br />

ambitions and goals, that broke over Syria, Iraq and Egypt, beginning in the<br />

630s.<br />

It is unlikely that either Syria or Iraq could have withstood the advance<br />

<strong>of</strong> forces <strong>of</strong> this kind, given the constitution <strong>of</strong> their defences after the end<br />

<strong>of</strong> the last Persian war in 628, only six years before the first Arab advance.<br />

The Arab armies were not simply marshalled in Medina and then sent forth<br />

with the caliph’s instructions; providing food, fodder and water for an army<br />

<strong>of</strong> thousands <strong>of</strong> men and animals would have been extremely difficult. The<br />

norm was rather for small contingents gradually to expand as other groups<br />

joined them on the march; the sources make it clear that commanders were<br />

expected to engage in such recruiting along the way, to ensure that the newcomers<br />

were armed and equipped, and to ‘keep each tribe distinct from the<br />

108 Sebeos, <strong>Hi</strong>stoire d’Héraclius 95–6. Cf. also the quotations from Dionysius <strong>of</strong> Tell Mah· rē (d. 845)<br />

in Michael I Qīndāsī, Chronique de Michel le Syrien ii.403–5 (trans.); iv.404–8 (text); Chronicon ad annum<br />

Christi 1234 pertinens i.227–30 (text); i.178–80 (trans.). Discussion in Crone and Cook (1977) 8–10;<br />

Hoyland (1997) 124–30.<br />

109 E.g. al-Walīd ibn Muslim (d. 810) in Ibn �Asākir i.461–2; al-T· abarī, Ta�rīkh i.2922; al-Maqrīzī,<br />

Khit · at · i.75.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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