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818 27. the definition and enforcement <strong>of</strong> orthodoxy<br />

<strong>of</strong> Alexandria and Constantinople, at the perceived perfidy <strong>of</strong> Acacius, and<br />

at the jurisdiction which the patriarch <strong>of</strong> the capital had arrogated to<br />

himself in other matters. Alerted by the strict Chalcedonian Sleepless<br />

Monks in Constantinople, in 484 pope Felix III excommunicated Acacius,<br />

and demanded that the emperor Zeno choose between the apostle Peter<br />

and Peter Mongus. 20 This was the beginning <strong>of</strong> the Acacian schism<br />

between east and west, which was to last until the reign <strong>of</strong> Justin I.<br />

v. anastasius i<br />

On his accession to the throne after the death <strong>of</strong> Zeno in April 491,<br />

Anastasius I (491–518) determined to use the Henotikon as an oecumenical<br />

tool, interpreting the document as being in no way an annulment <strong>of</strong><br />

Chalcedon. In working towards restoring relations with Rome as well,<br />

Anastasius tried to make the Henotikon the basis <strong>of</strong> negotiation. However,<br />

since he aimed primarily at ecclesiastical peace rather than at a uniform<br />

belief, the new emperor was usually willing to allow cities that were predominantly<br />

<strong>of</strong> one persuasion or another to be governed by bishops sympathetic<br />

to their cause. This policy caused confusion and polarization,<br />

according to the sixth-century church historian Evagrius, who identifies<br />

three groupings: (1) rigorous anti-Chalcedonians who were satisfied only<br />

with a condemnation <strong>of</strong> Chalcedon and Leo’s Tome; (2) rigorous, uncompromising<br />

defenders <strong>of</strong> Chalcedon; (3) Chalcedonians and anti-<br />

Chalcedonians who abided by the Henotikon. 21 The emperor’s enforcement<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Henotikon as the basis for negotiation is demonstrated clearly also by<br />

the deposition and exile <strong>of</strong> the Chalcedonian patriarch <strong>of</strong> Constantinople,<br />

Euphemius (490–6), who did not support the Henotikon. On the other<br />

hand, adherence to the document availed a patriarch nothing if, like Flavian<br />

<strong>of</strong> Antioch (498–512), he was unable to deal with unrest within his jurisdiction.<br />

The reign <strong>of</strong> Anastasius is decisive for the history <strong>of</strong> opposition to<br />

Chalcedonian orthodoxy in that, as well as proving the failure <strong>of</strong> compromise<br />

documents like the Henotikon, this period produced two <strong>of</strong> the greatest<br />

theologians <strong>of</strong> the anti-Chalcedonian ‘one nature’ (Monophysite)<br />

christology – Philoxenus <strong>of</strong> Mabbug and Severus <strong>of</strong> Antioch, both <strong>of</strong><br />

whom tried to enforce an anti-Chalcedonian interpretation <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Henotikon. Philoxenus not only induced the monastic body at Antioch to<br />

oppose the Chalcedonian patriarch Flavian, but also persuaded Anastasius<br />

to have Euphemius’ successor Macedonius summon the home synod,<br />

where a confession <strong>of</strong> faith was composed (507?) in which the Antiochene<br />

and Leonine tradition as evident in Chalcedon was condemned. In 509, at<br />

20 Felix, Ep. 8, in Schwartz (1934) 81, lines 24ff. 21 Evagr. HE iii.30.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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