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522 18. the north-western provinces
of the Danube. Nevertheless, there is nothing to suggest that Clovis’
immediate successors were as concerned with Roman titles as was their
contemporary, Sigismund of the Burgundians. A generation later, however,
things looked very different. Clovis’ grandson, Theudebert, deliberately
cultivated an imperial style, not least in the context of his involvement in
the Ostrogothic wars in Italy. To the annoyance of the Byzantines, he
started to issue gold coins with his own portrait. 220 His son, Theudebald,
was concerned to demonstrate the extent of his hegemony to the
Byzantine ruler Justinian. 221 So too were other Merovingian rulers. 222 At the
same time, they started to hold horse races in true imperial style. 223 Clovis’
grandson, Chilperic I, restored circuses in Paris and Soissons for that
specific reason. 224 The romanitas of the Merovingians of the second half of
the sixth century is even more apparent in the poetry of Venantius
Fortunatus, not least in his epithalamium for the marriage of Chilperic’s
half-brother, Sigibert I, and the Visigothic princess, Brunhild. Under one
of the descendants of Sigibert, a collection of letters was made, providing
evidence of and models for the cultivation of letter-writing at court. 225
After the catastrophe of the fifth century, the sixth century – in Gaul, at
least – was a time of revival. So much so that it is by no means clear where
there is total continuity and where restoration. In most places continuity is
likely at the most basic of administrative levels. Higher levels of government
are more likely to have been subject to a process of re-creation. The
same is likely to be true for Spain as well. Here the evidence is markedly less
good than for Gaul. Our best source is Hydatius, and he is concerned primarily
with the north-west, and his chronicle comes to an end in 469.
Thereafter the evidence is distinctly fragmentary. The precise chronology,
and even the geography, of the Visigothic settlement of Spain is a matter
for speculation. Nor does the collapse of the kingdom of Toulouse, and
the subsequent transfer of the Visigothic centre of power to Spain, immediately
lead to an increase in our documentation. One or two cities are wellevidenced
– above all, Mérida, which in the pages of the Vitas Patrum
Emeretensium, at least, does not seem to have been affected much by the
initial settlement of the Goths. 226 The complex theological changes
espoused by Leovigild in the 570s apparently had more impact on the city,
or rather on its bishops.
Leovigild’s religious policies were only one aspect of a highly energetic
reign which also saw the final crushing of the Suevic kingdom of
Gallaecia, 227 which had survived, despite the defeat of Rechiarius, and
220 Procop. Wars. vii.33.5–6. 221 Epist. Austras. 20. 222 Procop. Wars. viii.20.9.
223 Procop. Wars. vii.33.5. 224 Greg. Tur. Hist. v.17. 225 Wood (1993) 40.
226 Vitas Sanctorum Patrum Emeretensium, ed. J. N. Garvin (Washington 1946).
227 Isidore, Historia Gothorum, Wandalorum, Sueborum 49, ed. T. Mommsen, MGH, AA 11 (Berlin
1894).
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