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314 11. the army, c. 420,602<br />

further demands, as happened with the Huns in the 440s and the Avars in<br />

the 570s and 580s. Selective patronage <strong>of</strong> tribes or war-bands had to be<br />

accompanied by visible strength in the vicinity <strong>of</strong> the frontier, so that invasion<br />

<strong>of</strong> Roman territory did not become an easy option for those under<br />

threat in their own lands.<br />

‘I know that war is a great evil, and worse than evils’ is part <strong>of</strong> the preamble<br />

to a discussion on strategy that should probably be dated to<br />

Justinian’s reign, but attention to the army was an essential part <strong>of</strong> an<br />

emperor’s work, as the deranged Justin advised Tiberius at the latter’s proclamation<br />

as Caesar. 108 The army had always been the most expensive<br />

element within the Roman empire, but without an efficient military system<br />

an emperor would quickly be seen to be naked, as occurred in the west in<br />

the early fifth century. Even in the wealthier east, constant attention and<br />

adaptation were required to maintain arrangements for recruitment, supply<br />

and training without the distortions that inevitably crept in as customary<br />

practice became petrified or abused. ‘A general must not have to confess,<br />

“I did not expect it”’ is one <strong>of</strong> the maxims in Maurice’s Strategikon, a work<br />

that itself demonstrates the close attention that was devoted to military<br />

organization. 109<br />

In the sixth century the eastern empire had managed, not without<br />

difficulty, to maintain its basic integrity and even regain territory in the<br />

western Mediterranean. Luck played its part, as with the departure to<br />

Sardinia <strong>of</strong> the Vandal fleet in 533 or the Persian civil war <strong>of</strong> 590–1, but the<br />

Roman army remained an effective fighting force. In the seventh century<br />

civil war, the traditional threat to imperial prosperity, shattered the balance:<br />

in 602 and 610 coups at Constantinople distracted the armies on the eastern<br />

frontier and permitted the Persians to make significant gains, while in 641<br />

a further bout <strong>of</strong> imperial strife helped the Arabs to consolidate their<br />

control over newly-won territories. During these decades, however, a succession<br />

<strong>of</strong> Roman armies was raised and manoeuvred by emperors and<br />

their commanders. The result was <strong>of</strong>ten defeat, but the sheer ability <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Roman military machine to function through a series <strong>of</strong> catastrophes<br />

greater than anything experienced since the Hannibalic War <strong>of</strong> the third<br />

century b.c. is impressive. By the mid seventh century, however, the permanent<br />

loss <strong>of</strong> the major revenue-producing provinces <strong>of</strong> Egypt and Syria<br />

necessitated a fundamental change in the nature <strong>of</strong> military organization,<br />

and the impoverished empire had to exploit its greatest remaining asset,<br />

land, in order to fund its defence forces. The result was the theme system<br />

<strong>of</strong> territorial organization which defined the nature <strong>of</strong> the middle<br />

Byzantine army. 110<br />

108 Anon. Peri Strat. 4.9; Theophylact iii.11.11. 109 Maurice, Strat. viii.1.26.<br />

110 Cf. ch. 7 (Barnish, Lee, Whitby), pp. 203–6 above, and ch. 17 (Whitby), pp. 494,5 below.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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