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274 10. law in the western kingdoms<br />

peoples. If one sees the Salic Law as a code promulgated by royal authority,<br />

this view has a great deal to be said for it, particularly if the other Salian<br />

kings had been disposed <strong>of</strong> before Clovis’ conversion. This would then<br />

explain both the pagan character and the geographical scope <strong>of</strong> the law. 64<br />

Yet, working still on the assumption that the Salic Law was promulgated<br />

by royal authority, there are objections arising from the letter in which<br />

Remigius, bishop <strong>of</strong> Rheims, welcomed Clovis’ accession to power. 65 In it<br />

he implies that Clovis’ authority, and that <strong>of</strong> his father before him,<br />

extended over the whole <strong>of</strong> the Roman province <strong>of</strong> Belgica Secunda. This<br />

province included Cambrai, which is where Gregory <strong>of</strong> Tours placed<br />

Ragnachar. Moreover, one element in Clovis’ authority, inherited from<br />

Childeric, was his role as judge, which Remigius perceives in completely<br />

Roman terms. 66 The Angers material used by Gregory <strong>of</strong> Tours also<br />

shows that Childeric’s activities were on a much larger scale than one<br />

would expect from a mere king <strong>of</strong> Tournai. 67 Childeric appears to have<br />

been in close collaboration for part <strong>of</strong> his career with Aegidius, magister<br />

militum, while Remigius’ letter suggests that he had found it possible to<br />

work well with the bishops. It is not therefore necessary to assume that<br />

Clovis must have disposed <strong>of</strong> the other Salian kings before the promulgation<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Salic Law.<br />

On these grounds and on the basis <strong>of</strong> the numismatic evidence, the possibility<br />

remains that the Salic Law belongs to the time not <strong>of</strong> Clovis but <strong>of</strong><br />

Childeric. Childeric would then have promulgated the law as principal king<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Salian Franks; its Roman characteristics – principally its organization<br />

into titles – would be explained by his connections with men such as<br />

Aegidius and Remigius, while its complete lack <strong>of</strong> any support for<br />

Christianity would pose no problem at all. On the other hand, it is difficult<br />

to see how an earlier dating than Childeric’s reign could be reconciled with<br />

Title 47’s implied reference to Salian Franks who lived beyond the Loire. In<br />

the reign <strong>of</strong> Chlodio in the second quarter <strong>of</strong> the fifth century – a date<br />

which would fit perfectly the numismatic evidence as interpreted by<br />

Grierson and Blackburn – the Salian Franks had only just established a permanent<br />

presence west <strong>of</strong> the silva Carbonaria. One must therefore assume<br />

that the equation <strong>of</strong> forty denarii with one solidus was still accepted among<br />

the Salian Franks in the third quarter <strong>of</strong> the fifth century. The implication<br />

is that both the Salic Law and the Code <strong>of</strong> Euric, to which we shall come<br />

later, belong to about a generation after the Theodosian Code and were<br />

perhaps, in some sense, local responses to that great compilation.<br />

Furthermore, there is no reason to suppose, as has been the near-universal<br />

64 This is not Ewig’s view; he retains the date given to the conversion by Gregory <strong>of</strong> Tours.<br />

65 Epist. Austras. ed. Gundlach, no. 2, in Epistolae Merowingici et Karolini Aevi, MGH (Berlin, 1892),<br />

p. 113. 66 ‘Iustitia ex ore vestro procedat . . . praetorium tuum omnibus pateatur.’<br />

67 Greg. Tur. <strong>Hi</strong>st. ii.18–19.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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