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680 22c. the arabs<br />

Arabs; settled Arabs lived as both peasants and townsmen along the<br />

western fringes <strong>of</strong> Iraq, and al-H · īra, the focus <strong>of</strong> Arab sedentary life in the<br />

area, was deemed an Arab town. Most were converts to Christianity, many<br />

spoke Aramaic and Persian, and they were largely assimilated to Sasanian<br />

culture. 14<br />

The sources referring to the Arabs describe them in various ways. In<br />

Greek and Syriac they were most usually called sarakenoi and t · ayyāyē, terms<br />

which refer to their tribal origin or to their character as travellers to the<br />

inner desert. 15 In Arabic, interestingly enough, the terms �arab and its plural<br />

a�rāb are generally used to refer to tribal nomads. Though the settled folk<br />

<strong>of</strong> Arabia shared much in common with the nomads, they nevertheless<br />

drew a sharp distinction between themselves and the bedouins (and rightly<br />

– a tribesman is not necessarily a nomad). It is true that by the sixth century<br />

a.d. the Arabic language had spread through most <strong>of</strong> Arabia (if not so<br />

much in the south) and engendered a common oral culture based largely<br />

on poetry <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ten exceptional quality. 16 But in none <strong>of</strong> this should one see<br />

evidence <strong>of</strong> a supposed archetype for Arab unity in any ethnic, geographical<br />

or political sense.<br />

The basis for Arab social organization was the tribe. 17 Genealogical<br />

studies in early Islamic times were already elaborating the lineages and<br />

interrelationships <strong>of</strong> the tribes in great detail. The Arabs comprised two<br />

great groupings, northern and southern; the former were traced to an<br />

eponymous founder named �Adnān and the latter to a similar figure called<br />

Qah · t · ān, and both were further divided into smaller sections and subgroupings.<br />

<strong>Ancient</strong> Arab history is routinely presented in the sources as<br />

determined by these tribal considerations, 18 but modern anthropology has<br />

cast doubt on this and has raised the question <strong>of</strong> whether such a thing as a<br />

‘tribe’ even exists. While the term is problematic, it seems excessive to<br />

resolve a conceptual difficulty by denying the existence <strong>of</strong> its object. 19 The<br />

notion <strong>of</strong> the tribe, however ambiguous, has always been important in traditional<br />

Arab society; in pre-Islamic Arabia there can be no doubt that<br />

kinship determined social organization. 20 The problem can perhaps best be<br />

formulated as revolving around the questions <strong>of</strong> how far back this was<br />

meaningfully traced, and how stable perceptions <strong>of</strong> kinship were.<br />

14 Charles (1936) 55–61; Morony (1984) 214–23.<br />

15 Macdonald (1995b) 95–6. Other views: Christides (1972); Graf and O’Connor (1977); O’Connor<br />

16 (1986). Fück (1950) 1–28; Blachère (1952–66) i.66–82; Gabrieli (1959b); von Grunebaum (1963).<br />

17 See Caskel (1962); and for modern parallels, Musil (1928) 44–60; Jabbur (1995) 261–8, 286–306.<br />

18 Caskel (1966) i.1–71.<br />

19 Inter alia, Schneider (1984). Cf. the discussion in Crone (1986) 48–55;(1993) 354–63; Tapper (1990)<br />

60–4.<br />

20 Even with respect to Arabs from south Arabia, where Dostal’s hypotheses (1984) would lead us<br />

to expect social organization along other lines. Note that in all three <strong>of</strong> the early Arab urban foundations<br />

in Egypt and Iraq, the Arab conquerors – even Yemeni contingents – organized themselves<br />

according to tribe. See Pellat (1953) 22–34; Djaït (1986) 73–135; Kubiak (1987) 58–75.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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