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802 26. holy men<br />

through possession by spirits, were far more fluid than our texts would lead<br />

us to suppose. 41 Driven by the torrent <strong>of</strong> cultic experimentation that raced<br />

through many Christian regions, it is not surprising that the mills <strong>of</strong> hagiographical<br />

literature should have come to turn so briskly towards the end <strong>of</strong><br />

this period, in an effort to reduce the raw grain <strong>of</strong> so many, frequently<br />

ambiguous, experiences <strong>of</strong> the holy to the fine flour <strong>of</strong> a few, dominant<br />

Christian ‘oikotypes’. Such experimentation would not have aroused so<br />

much interest if it had occurred only among the peasantry. What was at<br />

stake was the putting in order <strong>of</strong> a Christian ‘thought-world’ that was, if<br />

anything, a more urgent matter for the well-to-do than for the peasantry.<br />

The wealthy and the educated were the patrons <strong>of</strong> holy men and the<br />

readers <strong>of</strong> accounts <strong>of</strong> their lives. Seen in this light, the activities <strong>of</strong> the holy<br />

man, and especially the manner in which these were recounted in retrospect,<br />

represent one stage in the long schooling <strong>of</strong> the imagination <strong>of</strong> all<br />

classes in late antiquity.<br />

The average well-to-do and thoughtful person lived in many ‘thoughtworlds’.<br />

42 Potentially exclusive explanatory systems coexisted in his or her<br />

mind. The host <strong>of</strong> the monk Peter the Iberian, an eminent Egyptian, was<br />

a good Christian; but he was also ‘caught in the error <strong>of</strong> pagan philosophers,<br />

whose ideas he loved greatly’ (V. Petri Iberi, ed. R. Raabe, Leipzig<br />

1895 72). He employed a magician to cure his daughter. Nor were these<br />

systems parallel. They <strong>of</strong>ten interlocked as separate parts <strong>of</strong> a single<br />

process <strong>of</strong> cure. A notable <strong>of</strong> Alexandria could go to the healing shrine <strong>of</strong><br />

Sts Cyrus and John to receive a cure from their hands. But he claimed to<br />

have done so ‘in order that his horoscope should be fulfilled’ (Miracula SS.<br />

Cyri et Johannis 28. 8, PG lxxxvii.3504b; and ed. N. Fernandez Marcos<br />

(Madrid 1975) 296).<br />

Holy men themselves did not see the matter in terms <strong>of</strong> a sharp antithesis<br />

<strong>of</strong> Christian and non-Christian. They belonged to a category <strong>of</strong><br />

persons who were assumed by their supplicants to have access to knowledge<br />

<strong>of</strong> the holy in all its manifestations. The expectations <strong>of</strong> the neighbourhood<br />

committed them to far more than an exclusively Christian art <strong>of</strong><br />

prayer. A respected saint was a person who was allowed to have the last<br />

word in what was usually a long and well-informed discussion <strong>of</strong> supernatural<br />

causality, in which everyone had a say. When Theodore <strong>of</strong> Sykeon was<br />

conceived, his mother, Maria, dreamed that a brilliant star had descended<br />

into her womb. Her lover (an acrobatic camel-rider on an imperial mission)<br />

was delighted. She would have a baby boy, he said, who would become a<br />

bishop. Next, Maria went to a holy man with second sight in a neighbouring<br />

village. He concurred.<br />

41 A gripping incident in John Eph. Lives <strong>of</strong> the Eastern Saints 15, PO xvii.223–7; John Moschus in<br />

BZ xxxviii (1938) 360; Barsanuphius, Correspondance 843, Regnault (1971) 501.<br />

42 This is made particularly clear by Dagron (1981).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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