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354 13. specialized production and exchange<br />

had become much more basic, while that <strong>of</strong> the Near East had continued<br />

to grow in scale and complexity.<br />

There has been some recent debate about whether this eastern prosperity<br />

continued up to the end <strong>of</strong> the sixth century and into the seventh<br />

century, or whether decline set in around the time <strong>of</strong> the Great Plague <strong>of</strong><br />

541–3. 11 At present the information available cannot resolve the question<br />

satisfactorily, since it is <strong>of</strong>ten incomplete and very little <strong>of</strong> it can be closely<br />

dated.<br />

Partial information can certainly be deceptive. As we saw in chapter 12<br />

(p. 319), the excavations at Déhès have now disproved earlier theories<br />

(based on the disappearance <strong>of</strong> building inscriptions) that the limestone<br />

villages <strong>of</strong> northern Syria were abandoned after around a.d. 600. Since new<br />

houses were not being built, it is probable that the great period <strong>of</strong> expansion<br />

had ended, but this is not necessarily the same as the start <strong>of</strong> a period<br />

<strong>of</strong> decline. 12<br />

Recent work in the Near East also tends to emphasize diversity within<br />

the region, which makes generalizations about specific periods <strong>of</strong> time<br />

extremely hazardous. For example, it is possible that northern Syria lost<br />

some <strong>of</strong> its prosperity in the later sixth century and that some cities <strong>of</strong> the<br />

coast, like Caesarea Maritima, declined quite rapidly after the Arab conquest;<br />

but in the same period other areas, like the Jordan valley, seem to<br />

have been doing very well indeed into the seventh century and even<br />

beyond, as is shown by the evidence <strong>of</strong> rural churches, and <strong>of</strong> urban settlement<br />

at Pella and Gerasa. For instance, Arab-period Gerasa (Jerash) had<br />

abundant Byzantine and Islamic copper coins, at least one solid mortared<br />

stone house, and substantial potting industries producing a range <strong>of</strong> goodquality<br />

wares. It is possible that, in comparison to the Near East <strong>of</strong> c. a.d.<br />

550, the Near East <strong>of</strong> c. 650 had declined; but in comparison with the rest<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Roman world it certainly still stood out as a region <strong>of</strong> quite exceptional<br />

economic sophistication. 13<br />

Italy<br />

Britain and the Near East are extreme cases, and the economic history <strong>of</strong><br />

the regions that lay between them geographically is also somewhere<br />

between them in character. For the provinces to the north <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Mediterranean, I am best qualified to write about Italy, but the economic<br />

histories <strong>of</strong> Gaul and Spain are probably broadly similar.<br />

11 As argued by Kennedy (1985).<br />

12 Abandonment: Kennedy (1985) 160–2. Déhès: Sodini et al. (1980).<br />

13 Caesarea: Holum et al. (1988) 201–15. Rural churches: Piccirillo (1985). Jerash: Zayadine (1986)<br />

107–36 and 411–59; Bellinger (1938) (for the coins).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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