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70 3. justin i and justinian<br />

been taught for a thousand years. Fifty years later, Agathias told a romantic<br />

story <strong>of</strong> the flight <strong>of</strong> seven Athenian philosophers, including Damascius,<br />

the head <strong>of</strong> the school, to seek a philosopher king in Persia; disappointed<br />

in the young Khusro I, they nevertheless secured special treatment under<br />

the terms <strong>of</strong> the treaty <strong>of</strong> 531 between Byzantium and Persia and were able<br />

to return to Byzantine territory. Simplicius, at least, continued to write<br />

important commentaries on Aristotle, possibly establishing himself at<br />

Harran (Carrhae) in Mesopotamia; but organized philosophical teaching at<br />

Athens had come to an end. 45<br />

At the same time as initiating these measures against non-orthodox<br />

minorities, Justinian built churches and secular buildings 46 and involved<br />

himself in religious affairs. The rededication between 524 and 527 <strong>of</strong> the<br />

massive and ostentatious church <strong>of</strong> St Polyeuktos by the patrician Anicia<br />

Juliana, daughter <strong>of</strong> the western emperor Olybrius (Anth. Pal. i.10), had<br />

clearly rankled with him, and, while on a far smaller scale, the domed<br />

octagon-in-square church <strong>of</strong> Sts Sergius and Bacchus (a.d. 527–36), built<br />

alongside Justinian’s basilica <strong>of</strong> Sts Peter and Paul in the palace <strong>of</strong><br />

Hormisdas, and with a long inscription honouring himself and Theodora,<br />

pointed forward to the innovative masterpiece which St Sophia was soon<br />

to represent. 47 In 532–3 public disputations were held under imperial auspices<br />

between Chalcedonians and Monophysites in the palace <strong>of</strong><br />

Hormisdas, and it was also here that Theodora sheltered Monophysite<br />

monks and clergy until her death in 548.<br />

As in religious matters, so in matters <strong>of</strong> foreign policy and external relations,<br />

Justinian was faced with the need to perform a balancing act.<br />

Mundo achieved a success against Goths and Bulgars already threatening<br />

Thrace in 529–30 and claimed a victory procession. 48 In the east, Justinian<br />

continued to attempt by a mixture <strong>of</strong> diplomacy and mission to create a<br />

strategic buffer between the rival states <strong>of</strong> Byzantium and Persia, extending<br />

from Transcaucasia and the Caucasus in the north to Ethiopia/Axum<br />

in the south – a task complicated by the religious divide between<br />

Constantinople and some <strong>of</strong> the churches in this large area. 49 In the war<br />

against Persia which occupied the years 528–31 the Byzantines had considerable<br />

difficulty in holding their own, despite the favourable light in<br />

which the activities <strong>of</strong> Belisarius are presented by Procopius, who was<br />

45 Malal. Chron. 451; Agathias, <strong>Hi</strong>st. ii.23–31. On Simplicius and Harran see Tardieu (1990); on the<br />

closing <strong>of</strong> the Academy: Chuvin, Chronicle 135–41.<br />

46 For the latter, see, besides Procopius’ Buildings, Chron. Pasch. 618.<br />

47 The basilical church <strong>of</strong> St Polyeuktos (Saraçhane), with its elaborately carved capitals, was one <strong>of</strong><br />

the most lavish and influential <strong>of</strong> early Byzantine churches: see Harrison (1989); Sts Sergius and<br />

Bacchus: Mango (1972), (1975); Rodley (1994) 69–71. 48 Marcell. Chron. s.a.<br />

49 Fowden, Empire to Commonwealth ch. 5; Stein, Bas-Empire ii.296–305; the range <strong>of</strong> Justinian’s policies<br />

in the east is shown clearly in Malal. 427–36. For a good statement <strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> these problems see<br />

Brock (1995), and see p. 79 below, n. 100.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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