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the north-western provinces 505<br />

in the late fifth and the sixth century depended not on a paid army but on<br />

the personal followings <strong>of</strong> kings and aristocrats, as well as on military obligations.<br />

Gone was the need for heavy taxation, and hence much <strong>of</strong> the<br />

rationale <strong>of</strong> the late Roman state. 38<br />

The initial responses to the absence <strong>of</strong> a Roman army differed radically<br />

in different regions. After their rebellion against Constantine III, the<br />

Britons appear to have asked Honorius to send troops to help defend them<br />

against barbarian raids. The emperor, however, who was in no position to<br />

spare soldiers in 410 or thereabouts, responded by repealing the Lex Julia<br />

de Vi Publica: the Britons were now allowed to bear arms and defend themselves.<br />

Even if we conclude that Zosimus was wrong to associate this act<br />

with Britain rather than Bruttium, 39 Gildas appears to imply a similar set <strong>of</strong><br />

measures – and he may be thought to confirm Zosimus’ narrative. 40<br />

Indeed, Gildas actually goes further, in saying that the Romans instructed<br />

the Britons in various military strategies. 41<br />

Clearly, the Britons did organize their own self-defence. Apparently in<br />

429 they were able to defeat a combined force <strong>of</strong> Picts and Saxons, even if<br />

they required military advice from bishop Germanus <strong>of</strong> Auxerre, supposedly<br />

resorting to the somewhat unusual tactic <strong>of</strong> shouting ‘Hallelujah’ at<br />

the enemy. 42 The role <strong>of</strong> Germanus here, as <strong>of</strong> Lupus and Severinus in the<br />

later military histories <strong>of</strong> Troyes and Noricum, is difficult to assess. It may,<br />

but does not necessarily, support the cases that Germanus and Severinus<br />

had significant secular, and even military, careers before entering the ecclesiastical<br />

life. 43 It may merely reflect an extraordinary extension <strong>of</strong> ecclesiastical<br />

influence in a period when power structures were ill-defined, or it may<br />

be no more than a literary or hagiographic topos.<br />

Whatever the reason for the success <strong>of</strong> the Britons against the Picts and<br />

the Saxons in 429, 44 a decade or more later a new military crisis occasioned<br />

a further appeal to the imperial court. 45 The crisis may have been caused by<br />

a revolt <strong>of</strong> Saxon federates, or alternatively the failure <strong>of</strong> the appeal may<br />

have led to the employment and subsequent revolt <strong>of</strong> the federates. 46 In<br />

either case, Britain was still working along firmly Roman lines as late as the<br />

440s. An appeal to Aetius was certainly an appeal to re-enter the military<br />

structures <strong>of</strong> the Roman empire, while the use <strong>of</strong> barbarian federates was<br />

38 Wickham (1984) 19–20.<br />

39 See, however, the dismissal <strong>of</strong> the possibility by Thompson (1977) 315 n. 43.<br />

40 41 Gildas, De Excidio Britanniae 17–18; Wood (1984) 5. Gildas, De Excidio Britanniae 18.<br />

42 Constantius, Vita Germani 17–18; on the possibility that much <strong>of</strong> this story is symbolic, Wood<br />

(1984) 11–12.<br />

43 On Germanus’ early career, Constantius, Vita Germani, ed. R. Borius, SChrét. 112 (Paris 1965) 33–5;<br />

on Severinus’ early career, Eugippius, Vita Severini, ed. P. Régerat, SChrét. 374 (Paris 1991) 96–102.<br />

44 On this issue see Myres (1960); Morris (1965); and especially the critical comments <strong>of</strong><br />

45 Liebeschuetz (1963) and (1967). Gildas, De Excidio Britanniae 20.<br />

46 On the problems <strong>of</strong> squaring the chronology <strong>of</strong> Gildas with the Chronicle <strong>of</strong> 452, Wood (1984)<br />

19–20.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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