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108 4. the successors <strong>of</strong> justinian<br />

killed at Chalcedon, an act that would provide Khusro II with an excuse to<br />

attack the Romans to revenge his former protector and usher in twenty-five<br />

years <strong>of</strong> exhausting conflict. 47<br />

iv. conclusion<br />

Thus the grand hopes <strong>of</strong> imperial renewal proclaimed by Justin II and<br />

resuscitated by the achievements <strong>of</strong> Maurice’s second decade were finally<br />

dashed, but long-term failure should not prejudice assessments <strong>of</strong> individuals<br />

or trends. In the late sixth century the Roman empire was still the<br />

mightiest single political institution in the Mediterranean or near eastern<br />

world, even if it was not powerful enough to dominate simultaneously on<br />

all frontiers. The emperor controlled this great machine, a leader whose<br />

images could excite envy in Gaul, whose grandeur prompted first submission<br />

and later imitation from the Avar Chagan, and whose legitimate<br />

authority led a fugitive Persian monarch to beg for assistance. These emperors<br />

were civilian figures, palace <strong>of</strong>ficials or notaries by background, who<br />

dominated the administrative and military infrastructures through their<br />

secular authority. In time-honoured fashion this authority was reinforced<br />

by association with religious symbols, such as relics or festivals, which<br />

influenced contemporaries and sustained the potent symbolism <strong>of</strong> the<br />

heaven-endowed earthly empire. Such was the authority <strong>of</strong> the emperor<br />

that even imperial madness or severe personal unpopularity did not at once<br />

prompt a change <strong>of</strong> ruler: Justin remained sole Augustus for over four<br />

years after the onset <strong>of</strong> insanity, while Maurice even in 602 could have survived<br />

by making timely concessions to the Balkan mutineers, or might at<br />

least have been replaced by a close relative.<br />

These reigns have been analysed in terms <strong>of</strong> differing relationships<br />

between emperors on the one hand and the senatorial aristocracy and<br />

urban populace on the other, 48 but the evidence is insufficient to permit<br />

detailed investigation. With regard to the senate, the emperor was the<br />

supreme patron throughout; senators desired stability as the guarantee <strong>of</strong><br />

their privileged position – hence their support for the rapid proclamation<br />

<strong>of</strong> Justin II inside the palace to avoid public debate in the <strong>Hi</strong>ppodrome and<br />

their pleas to Maurice not to leave the capital on a risky military expedition.<br />

Undoubtedly there were tensions in this relationship, but there was also a<br />

fundamental community <strong>of</strong> interest. With regard to the populace, emperors<br />

seem to have managed to achieve a more secure control over the circus<br />

factions, the most prominent or vocal representatives <strong>of</strong> public opinion: in<br />

602 for the first time demarchs, <strong>of</strong>ficial controllers, <strong>of</strong> the Blues and Greens<br />

are mentioned, and these now maintained lists <strong>of</strong> registered followers who<br />

47 Ibid. 24–7. 48 Bury, LRE ii.92–4; Ostrogorsky (1956) 82–3.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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