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72 3. justin i and justinian<br />

and managed with difficulty to break into the imperial box, seizing<br />

Hypatius and the patrician Pompeius, who were executed on the next day,<br />

19 January. Many thousands <strong>of</strong> people were killed in the fray. 56<br />

It is difficult to establish either the chronology <strong>of</strong> the rioting or the<br />

reasons for it. Procopius ascribes it in the main to the irrationality <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Blues and Greens, though admitting that the people had real grievances and<br />

that the senators were divided. 57 The ‘revolt’ must indeed be seen in the<br />

context <strong>of</strong> the high level <strong>of</strong> urban violence that characterized the cities <strong>of</strong><br />

the eastern empire in the early sixth century; 58 but its effects were far more<br />

serious than most, and the call for the removal <strong>of</strong> unpopular ministers was<br />

to be a recurring feature <strong>of</strong> the reign. The career and eventual fall <strong>of</strong> John<br />

the Cappadocian, in particular, the bad effects <strong>of</strong> whose rule John Lydus<br />

catalogues in relation to his own provincial region, 59 are treated extensively<br />

by Procopius as a major element in the network <strong>of</strong> power and intrigue<br />

which he sees as characteristic <strong>of</strong> Justinian’s rule. 60 Understandably,<br />

Justinian himself claimed the suppression <strong>of</strong> the Nika revolt as a major<br />

victory, issuing a public announcement in the course <strong>of</strong> which he promised<br />

to make good all the damage that had been done.<br />

iii. st sophia, the ‘reconquest’ and the middle years<br />

(c. 532,54)<br />

The Nika revolt not only made peace with Persia even more desirable but<br />

also provided the need and the opportunity to rebuild St Sophia on a grander<br />

scale than before. Described in detail by Procopius (Buildings i.1.20–77) and<br />

again on the restoration <strong>of</strong> the dome in January 563 in a lengthy verse encomium<br />

by the poet Paul the Silentiary, 61 Justinian’s ‘Great Church’ remains<br />

extraordinary today for its size, its innovative design and, even though most<br />

<strong>of</strong> its internal fittings have long since disappeared, for the interplay <strong>of</strong> its<br />

coloured marbles and the light <strong>of</strong> its many windows (Fig. 34,p.904 below).<br />

Work began on the new church almost at once and it was dedicated on 27<br />

December 537. Again Justinian was well served by those he had put in charge<br />

<strong>of</strong> the task, this time the architects Anthemius <strong>of</strong> Tralles and Isidore <strong>of</strong><br />

Miletus. Justinian’s great building, together with the square situated between<br />

St Sophia and the palace, and known as the Augustaion, where an equestrian<br />

statue <strong>of</strong> Justinian himself (now lost) was erected, the huge Basilica cistern<br />

and the Chalke entrance to the imperial palace (see above) formed an impressive<br />

imperial centre for the city, whose impact can still be felt today.<br />

56 35,000: Chron. Pasch. 627; 30,000: Procop. Wars i.24.54; 50,000: Joh. Lyd. De Mag. iii.70; see Whitby<br />

and Whitby (1989) 125,n.366.<br />

57 See Cameron, Procopius 166–7; analysis <strong>of</strong> the sources in Bury (1897), and see Greatrex (1998).<br />

58 Cameron, Mediterranean World 171–4. 59 De Mag. iii.58, 61. 60 Cameron, Procopius 69–70.<br />

61 H. Soph. ed. Friedländer; see Whitby, Mary (1985); Magdalino and Macrides (1988). Cf. also the<br />

much later Narratio de S. Sophia ed. Preger, with Dagron (1984) 191–314. The church: Mainstone (1988).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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