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the north-western provinces 517<br />

are somewhat doom-laden landscapes. On the other hand, it may be that<br />

Gallaecia suffered precisely because no charismatic religious leader<br />

emerged to outface the Suevic kings.<br />

Gallaecia may have been unusual among the peripheral zones <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Roman west in not having a charismatic leader. In the south Spanish city <strong>of</strong><br />

Mérida a line <strong>of</strong> bishops established themselves as leaders <strong>of</strong> their community,<br />

although their holiness was perhaps secondary to the economic<br />

resources they built up. 177 Nor was the periphery the only area where there<br />

were saints capable <strong>of</strong> taking on, and supposedly outfacing, barbarians.<br />

Caesarius <strong>of</strong> Arles was a match for Theoderic the Amal, 178 and, already in<br />

the chronicle <strong>of</strong> Prosper <strong>of</strong> Aquitaine, pope Leo is said to have impressed<br />

Attila. 179 A century earlier, <strong>of</strong> course, Ambrose had outfaced Theodosius.<br />

In general, however, the role <strong>of</strong> the charismatics in the transition from<br />

Roman empire to barbarian kingdom in southern Gaul and Italy seems to<br />

have been less than it was in some <strong>of</strong> the more peripheral regions. Yet here,<br />

too, bishops generally played a very conspicuous role in the many diplomatic<br />

negotiations which went on during this period. Epiphanius <strong>of</strong> Pavia,<br />

for instance, negotiated with Euric as well as with Gundobad. 180 Equally<br />

significantly, four bishops were entrusted with negotiating the final stages<br />

<strong>of</strong> the cession <strong>of</strong> Clermont to the Visigoths. 181<br />

Although our sources suggest that it was charismatic clerics who stepped<br />

into the breach caused by the failure <strong>of</strong> the Roman empire, there were other<br />

individuals who attempted to use the remnants <strong>of</strong> imperial authority. The<br />

barbarians themselves <strong>of</strong>ten acted as <strong>of</strong>ficials <strong>of</strong> the old empire, both<br />

before and after becoming kings – and their kingdoms were built on<br />

Roman foundations, which in the south had been less shaken than further<br />

north. These southern leaders, the Ostrogoths in Italy, the Visigoths in<br />

Aquitaine and the Burgundians in the Rhône valley, were also drawn to<br />

some extent into the established social patterns <strong>of</strong> the upper classes <strong>of</strong> the<br />

late Roman empire. We can see this as early as the mid 450s in Sidonius’<br />

picture <strong>of</strong> the daily routine <strong>of</strong> the Visigothic king Theoderic: church attendance<br />

and <strong>of</strong>ficial duties, followed by inspection <strong>of</strong> the stables, hunting, the<br />

midday meal, then a short siesta – or, even better, a game <strong>of</strong> dice – then a<br />

resumption <strong>of</strong> royal duties before dinner. As Sidonius remarked, it was<br />

advisable to lose a game against the king to get one’s suit preferred. 182<br />

Theoderic’s brother, the rather more rebarbative Euric, was in time the<br />

focus <strong>of</strong> an equally Romanized court, centred on the Roman city <strong>of</strong><br />

Toulouse, where the verses <strong>of</strong> Sidonius were well received. 183 Meanwhile,<br />

at the same court, more northerly barbarians – Saxons, Franks, maritime<br />

177 Vitas Sanctorum Patrum Emeretensium ed. J. N. Garvin (Washington 1946).<br />

178 Vita Caesarii i.36–8. 179 Prosper, s.a. 452, ed. T. Mommsen, MGH, AA 9 (Berlin 1892).<br />

180 Ennod. Vita Epiph. 85–94, 136–77, ed. F. Vogel, MGH, AA 7 (Berlin 1885).<br />

181 Sid. Ap. Ep. 7.6.10. 182 Sid. Ap. Ep. 1.2.4–10. 183 Sid. Ap. Epp. 4.8.1; 8.9.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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