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law and society 399<br />

and feasible compromise between evangelical perfection and the hard<br />

realities <strong>of</strong> life.<br />

It is incidentally worth noting that the difference between the religious<br />

and legal sanctions was not always a matter <strong>of</strong> the former being stricter<br />

than the latter. The formula certainly holds true for divorce, an area in<br />

which the secular legislators long evaded the aspirations <strong>of</strong> the church. On<br />

other issues, however, it was the imperial laws that applied unduly severe<br />

criteria, which the church preferred to avoid. For the crime <strong>of</strong> abduction,<br />

for example, an imperial law specified the death penalty, 24 while two<br />

Basilian ‘canons’ merely inflicted penances <strong>of</strong> a few years, not to mention<br />

the additional possibility <strong>of</strong> contracting a lawful marriage. 25 Such severity<br />

in the secular legislation must also have contributed (in the form <strong>of</strong> additional<br />

psychological pressure, if nothing else) to strengthening the bishop’s<br />

role as a mediator, as a man who healed family conflicts and did his best to<br />

avoid the extreme consequences that would ensue if the interested parties<br />

became involved in the sphere <strong>of</strong> criminal law.<br />

From today’s perspective, centred as it is on our view <strong>of</strong> the modern<br />

state, the relationship between Christianity and the law is invested with an<br />

importance that the late antique church authorities would hardly have<br />

shared. To them, Christianization could take many forms, and there was<br />

nothing that made the collaboration <strong>of</strong> the secular legislator the most<br />

effective instrument or even, for that matter, an essential requisite.<br />

It is unrealistic, therefore, to measure the Christianization <strong>of</strong> family legislation<br />

against the rigid criteria <strong>of</strong> doctrine. What the term ‘Christianization’<br />

can – indeed, must – suggest is an extremely slow process accompanied by<br />

deviations, corrections, accelerations, delays and short-lived measures: in<br />

other words, all the elements we generally associate with the major phenomena<br />

<strong>of</strong> acculturation. It was not an already formed system that inexorably<br />

pervaded the whole <strong>of</strong> society, but a formative process. And to pose the<br />

problem <strong>of</strong> the coherent Christianization <strong>of</strong> family law in the fourth, fifth<br />

and sixth century is simply anachronistic. Even a half-millennium later, in<br />

both east and west, the process was anything but complete.<br />

ii. law and society<br />

Dialogue between the two powers, the religious and the secular, was difficult,<br />

but was aided by the fact that both shared the same culture <strong>of</strong> control, one<br />

that extended from public life to the intimacy <strong>of</strong> the couple.<br />

24 C.Th. ix.4.1 (326); in C.Th. ix.4.22 (349) the summum supplicium inflicted by Constantine was<br />

replaced by the capitalis poena. The severity <strong>of</strong> the punishment has been used to deny the influence <strong>of</strong><br />

Christian morality on these laws: Castello (1988); Evans Grubbs (1995) 191. The combination <strong>of</strong> repressive<br />

and protective aspects in Constantine’s law has been rightly emphasized by Beaucamp (1990) 113.<br />

25 Bas. Ep. 199, can. 22 and 30; Karlin-Hayter (1992) 138; Laiou (1993) 134ff., with particular reference<br />

to the matter <strong>of</strong> the woman’s consent.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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