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monasticism 753<br />

famous – to be archimandrite (that is, overall superior) for all the monks <strong>of</strong><br />

the diocese. The communities were thus bound to the patriarch in a single<br />

system. That was why Sabas was in such frequent contact with episcopal<br />

affairs: he was always willing to travel up to Jerusalem, not only to consult<br />

with the bishop but to lodge and dine with him and his associates, enjoying<br />

at least occasionally a comfort that may surprise us.<br />

There had been, for a long time, ascetics in Jerusalem itself. That was<br />

inevitable, given the city’s increasing importance as a centre <strong>of</strong> pilgrimage.<br />

The most famous were on the Mount <strong>of</strong> Olives, associated with the name<br />

<strong>of</strong> the elder Melania, and increasingly disdained by the less clerically orientated<br />

Jerome in Bethlehem. Melania encouraged hard work and reflective<br />

reading, in a style <strong>of</strong> which even Pachomius would have approved. The<br />

Jerusalem communities were marked also by a certain Basilian character<br />

(significantly attractive to ascetics for a time in this very city); a character<br />

associated not only with the proximity <strong>of</strong> the bishop but also with the<br />

numerous hostels built in Jerusalem, and with a related care for the poor.<br />

The Life <strong>of</strong> the younger Melania, who reached Jerusalem some forty years<br />

later, provides evidence that such traditions persisted over more than one<br />

generation. Gerontius, her biographer, may disappoint us by dwelling more<br />

on Melania’s personal asceticism than on the details <strong>of</strong> her monastic ordinance.<br />

Yet she had obviously come to value the mutual respect and moderated<br />

self-denial encouraged by the common life, and set in place a<br />

detailed routine <strong>of</strong> liturgical prayer in her communities, which were built<br />

within the city. She also mixed easily with bishops and other churchmen. 20<br />

It was with that tradition <strong>of</strong> urban monasticism and episcopal patronage<br />

that Sabas was now associated (together with his colleague Theodosius),<br />

putting in place an even wider network <strong>of</strong> authority and dependence that<br />

drew city and desert together. The process was undoubtedly encouraged by<br />

the shifting allegiance <strong>of</strong> Jerusalem to the Council <strong>of</strong> Chalcedon (a.d. 451).<br />

The patriarch Juvenal lost, for a time, his authority, following ambiguous<br />

resistance to the decisions <strong>of</strong> the council; and he was replaced briefly by a<br />

monk. Returning with force in 453, Juvenal presided over a period <strong>of</strong> some<br />

antagonism between himself and ascetics. Euthymius quietly supported his<br />

authority, but was relatively isolated in doing so. 21 Elpidius and Gerontius,<br />

general archimandrites, took the opposing side. The situation was resolved<br />

only with the accession <strong>of</strong> Martyrius as patriarch in 478, which represented<br />

a victory for the clergy – a victory that Sabas was willing to accept. Esaias<br />

20 Vita Melaniae 36, 40f. Melania had already set up monastic houses for both men and women during<br />

a stay in Africa, under the shadow <strong>of</strong> another bishop and ascetic legislator, Augustine. In that instance,<br />

Gerontius is frustratingly vague (perhaps he knew less) (22f.) but mentions (among the women)<br />

reading, fasting, prayer and spiritual direction. Augustine’s own enterprises will be discussed below.<br />

Gerontius himself was later to achieve prominence in the very same milieu.<br />

21 V. Euthym. 27. For events in Jerusalem meanwhile, see 28f.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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