Cambridge Ancient Hi.. - Index of

78 3. justin i and justinian
continue scheming; thus Theodora was not fully successful, and after her
death Justinian brought John back from exile. Another key figure in the reign
was the Syrian Peter Barsymes, twice comes sacrarum largitionum and twice praetorian
prefect; unlike John, Peter was protected by the empress, who shortly
before her death prevailed on Justinian to reappoint him to office after he
had removed him. 89 Tribonian, quaestor sacri palatii and the master mind
behind Justinian’s legal codification, himself fell during the Nika revolt, only
to be subsequently restored; unlike John the Cappadocian and Peter
Barsymes, he does not seem to have been either a particular favourite or a
victim of Theodora, but like them he was the object of critical attack, including
such stock abuse as charges of paganism. 90
Procopius is by no means the only hostile witness to Justinian’s reign. In
John Lydus’ work on Roman magistracies, he contrives to be critical of
Justinian while superficially praising him. 91 Justinian posed as a restorer of
tradition, and at one level these criticisms are the reactions of conservatives
disappointed that the emperor had not been successful in that aim. But at
a deeper level, the apparent contradictions in contemporary political
comment, and in artistic and literary expression, 92 are indicative of a mismatch
between actual social and economic change and the persistence of
an administrative structure still recognizably similar to that established in
the fourth century. In the face of these internal tensions and the impact of
external threats and increased military demands, Justinian himself adopted
a rhetoric of strong government,. 93 but his critics attacked him from an
even more conservative and traditionalist stance. Procopius paints a picture
in the Secret History of a deliberate onslaught on the wealth of the senatorial
class, fuelled by greed and combined with religious bigotry and caprice.
He further viewed the emperor’s legislative activity, which seems to have
been aimed predominantly at checking abuses and raising revenue, 94 as a
sign of restless meddling, and was equally ready to blame ‘the rabble’ for
the instability which was a structural feature of urban life in the sixth
century. 95 The best Procopius could do by the early 550s in summing up the
results of the African campaigns was to ascribe them to Justinian’s desire
for bloodshed and human slaughter. 96 Much of the contemporary and later
criticism of Justinian, by secular and ecclesiastical historians alike, rests on
traditional accusations against a ‘bad’ emperor who is not seen to be
sufficiently amenable to the aspirations and wishes of the élite. 97
89 PLRE iii.999–1002, s.v. Petrus 9.
90 PLRE iii.1335–9, s.v. Tribonianus 1; Justinian’s ministers: Stein, Bas-Empire ii.433–9, 463–83,
761–9. 91 Maas, John Lydus 83–96. 92 Cameron, Procopius 19–32; Carile (1978).
93 For Justinian as a ruthless autocrat see Honoré (1978) 1–39. 94 Stein, Bas-Empire ii.437–49.
95 Cameron, Mediterranean World 171–5; Justinian is blamed for using the factions to foment trouble
by Evagr. HE v.32, as well as by Procopius.
96 SH 18; signs of this critique in the later parts of the Wars: Cameron, Procopius 186.
97 See Allen, Evagrius 194–6, on Evagr. HE iv.30 and Zonaras, Epit. xiv.6.1–9.
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