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166 7. government and administration<br />

through barbarian occupation <strong>of</strong> the provinces, while emperors had increasing<br />

difficulty in collecting taxes and enforcing their will in their own territories.<br />

The Code (published when a marriage alliance drew together the eastern<br />

and western branches <strong>of</strong> the dynasty) symbolically reaffirmed imperial unity<br />

and central control; it legitimated emperors by stressing their role as founts<br />

<strong>of</strong> law; not surprisingly, it was used or imitated by barbarian kings in the west,<br />

who, on a smaller scale, faced similar problems. 4 Justinian’s Code and his subsequent<br />

Novels reflect the problems <strong>of</strong> an emperor whose relationship with<br />

the senatorial élite was <strong>of</strong>ten tense, and who (arguably) had grandiose longterm<br />

ambitions for the restoration <strong>of</strong> the empire as a single administrative<br />

unit. Unlike his fifth-century predecessors, Justinian was a legislative and<br />

administrative innovator, ruling an empire undergoing increasing social, economic<br />

and religious change, and aware that his world was in a state <strong>of</strong> flux.<br />

The rhetorical preambles to his earlier Novels (laws when included in the<br />

Codes omit this standard form) emphasize continuity and tradition, even in<br />

major administrative reforms. 5<br />

The overall picture <strong>of</strong> government given by the Codes is, then, as much<br />

symbolic as practical, and needs to be treated with some suspicion, when<br />

we ask not what emperors ideally expected from their servants and subjects,<br />

and their servants and subjects from them, but what they actually<br />

achieved. This principle also applies to individual laws. Thus, the 192 constitutions<br />

<strong>of</strong> Theodosian Code xii.1, in which emperors from Constantine<br />

to Theodosius II repeatedly tried to force men <strong>of</strong> the curial class to stay in<br />

their cities and do their duties in the imperial system, are <strong>of</strong>ten used to highlight<br />

the contrast between aspirations and effectiveness. We should not,<br />

however, be too sceptical. The curial system probably continued to function<br />

in a reasonably effective way over much <strong>of</strong> the empire during that<br />

period. Such laws may be seen as a repeated symbolic beating <strong>of</strong> the parish<br />

bounds, allied with the very practical purpose <strong>of</strong> forcible reminding. At the<br />

same time, however, they acted as a sluice gate by which emperors, and the<br />

curiae which, directly or indirectly, raised these problems and pressed<br />

emperors to legislate, controlled the level <strong>of</strong> the pool <strong>of</strong> literate, upperclass<br />

citizens who were needed in both the central and the local administrations.<br />

6<br />

Our other main <strong>of</strong>ficial source for the system at work in this period is the<br />

Variae. 7 This is the compilation <strong>of</strong> letters written by Cassiodorus on behalf<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Ostrogothic kings <strong>of</strong> Italy between c. 506 and 537, and in his own<br />

4 See ch. 10 (Charles-Edwards), pp. 284,7 below; also Barnwell (1992); Rousseau (1996) 10.<br />

5 Maas (1986).<br />

6 Repetition <strong>of</strong> laws may also be a consequence <strong>of</strong> requests by <strong>of</strong>ficials and subjects for clarification<br />

<strong>of</strong> the law: Harries in Harries and Wood (1993) 15. On the curiales, see Heather in CAH xiii.204–9.<br />

7 See Mommsen (1910); also the introduction to his edition in MGH Auct. Ant. xii (Berlin, 1894),<br />

and Barnish (1992), introduction.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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