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inostrani kapital kao faktor razvoja zemalja - Ekonomski fakultet u ...

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decoding of spilled knowledge etc. All this in turn depends on the ability and the<br />

motivation of local firms to engage and invest in learning and imitation activities,<br />

to absorb foreign knowledge and skill, and melt it with existing local knowledge 13 .<br />

But no less important are the qualities and the aims of the public administration,<br />

which has to provide accurate and appropriate government supervision when<br />

markets are less than perfectly competitive, and create contestable markets by<br />

allowing free access to all, whenever possible. Yet, most ‘transition economies’ did<br />

endorse, in the last decade, the first point of view, and thus adopted various forms<br />

of incentives to encourage foreign owned companies to invest in the country, to<br />

speed up the ‘market friendly’ sequence we mentioned above 14 . The result was a<br />

series of policies that are now blamed for having distorted the ‘market’ rather than<br />

avoided Markey failures […]<br />

3. Developmental States<br />

The discussion on what kind of State, and which set of economic policies are<br />

best suited for economic development is too vast to be treated here. Yet one can<br />

take the grand debate that took place in the previous decade about the so-called<br />

‘East Asian Miracle’ as a point of reference. In that occasion a clear case was made<br />

in favor of a particular set of policy measures, institutional building and economic<br />

sequencing that, contrary to conventional belief, allowed eight East Asian<br />

countries 15 to perform the fastest and longest economic development of history as<br />

we know it.<br />

In interpreting that miracle, the World Bank proposed a well-known frame of<br />

reasoning, labeled as ‘Market Friendly’ (Figure 1). Reading Figure 1 by columns 16 ,<br />

from left to write, the argument goes as follows. Given (first column) good<br />

fundamentals and moderate selective policies, to discriminate among sectors and<br />

firms, a good and accountable bureaucracy set up a leveled playing field between<br />

‘free’ market forces’ and the ‘administrative coordination’ that the local context<br />

was able to supply (second column). The result was (third column) a rapid<br />

accumulation of key factors (physical capital, human capital), that were efficiently<br />

allocated and technologically up-graded, to end up (forth column) in an<br />

extraordinary export-led industrial growth. This is why the population can now<br />

enjoy better social indicators and a considerable reduction of poverty. In arguing<br />

against this way of reasoning, a number of economists noticed that, despite being<br />

13 Tiberi Vipraio and Hodgkinson (2000).<br />

14 These included, to mention the most important: fiscal incentives (such as tax holidays and lower<br />

tax rates for foreign investors), financial incentives (such as grants and preferential loans to MNE),<br />

as well as ‘market preferences’, infrastructure free of charge, sunk costs reimbursements, and<br />

even monopolistic rights (Pennings, 2001).<br />

15 Namely Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Honk Kong, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia and Thailand.<br />

16 Full arrows between squares express cause-effect transmission, dotted line express feed-back<br />

mechanisms.<br />

29

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