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Body and Soul in Ancient Philosophy

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440<br />

Martha C. Nussbaum<br />

the Stoic valuation of these externals. It st<strong>and</strong>s with the speech of Augustus<br />

<strong>in</strong> attribut<strong>in</strong>g great importance to them. If we believe the work’s<br />

account of the facts, we should see the anger it solicits as justified anger,<br />

which looks both backward toward Claudius’ wrongdo<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> also forward,<br />

to the time of rectification.<br />

Disgust is very different: for bodily disgust expresses an aversion to<br />

contam<strong>in</strong>ation <strong>and</strong> a rejection of a substance or person as a possible contam<strong>in</strong>ant<br />

to the self. Cross-cultural empirical research – particularly the<br />

important work of psychologist Paul Roz<strong>in</strong> – has found a remarkable<br />

constancy across societies <strong>in</strong> the cognitive content of disgust. 13 Robert<br />

Kaster’s important work on specifically Roman disgust 14 is consistent<br />

with Roz<strong>in</strong>’s f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs, although it adds some significant culture-specific<br />

po<strong>in</strong>ts.<br />

Disgust, Roz<strong>in</strong> argues from his experimental evidence, is not mere<br />

distaste, because the very same substance or smell elicits different disgust-reactions<br />

depend<strong>in</strong>g on the subject’s conception of the object:<br />

whether, for example, the smell is thought to come from feces or<br />

from cheese. Disgust is also different from the fear of danger, because<br />

disgust<strong>in</strong>g animals (roaches, beetles) rema<strong>in</strong> disgust<strong>in</strong>g after all potential<br />

danger is removed. Moreover, disgust typically spreads from its “primary<br />

objects” – bodily wastes <strong>and</strong> decay<strong>in</strong>g bodies – to people <strong>and</strong> groups<br />

who are viewed as contam<strong>in</strong>ants, as marr<strong>in</strong>g the purity of the self –<br />

even though these people do not pose any danger to the self. Roz<strong>in</strong><br />

concludes that disgust is an emotion that polices the boundary between<br />

people <strong>and</strong> some aspect of their own animality (waste products, decay)<br />

that they wish to keep at a distance. People or groups can become the<br />

surrogates for these problematic features.<br />

Disgust, then, has a dynamic that is very different from the dynamic<br />

of anger. Like anger, it both registers a present pa<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong> projects a future<br />

good. But the future good is one of separation <strong>and</strong> repudiation, not rectification.<br />

The disgusted person wants to get away from the disgust<strong>in</strong>g<br />

person or th<strong>in</strong>g, either by remov<strong>in</strong>g himself or by remov<strong>in</strong>g it. Anger<br />

seeks punishment; disgust seeks non-contact. Suppose we now th<strong>in</strong>k<br />

about anger <strong>and</strong> disgust <strong>in</strong> politics. We often get angry at our politicians.<br />

We also often feel disgust or revulsion toward a politician or group of<br />

politicians. We say, “How disgust<strong>in</strong>g”, we want to vomit. I would<br />

argue that these two responses are importantly dist<strong>in</strong>ct. In anger we<br />

13 I describe Roz<strong>in</strong>’s research <strong>in</strong> Nussbaum 2004, ch. 2, with bibliography.<br />

14 Kaster 2001.

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