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Body and Soul in Ancient Philosophy

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Empedocles <strong>and</strong> metempsychôsis: The critique of Diogenes of Oeno<strong>and</strong>a 81<br />

gemonikon) 10 respects this tendency. In Lat<strong>in</strong> the trend cont<strong>in</strong>ues, with<br />

the enrich<strong>in</strong>g complication that animus <strong>and</strong> anima are both available<br />

for use, so that some disambiguation of soul <strong>in</strong> the sense of moral <strong>in</strong>tellectual<br />

personality (animus) <strong>and</strong> soul <strong>in</strong> the sense of life force (anima) is<br />

possible; this we see <strong>in</strong> Lucretius, <strong>in</strong> Cicero <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> Seneca.<br />

Empedocles seems to have used the word psychÞ for life force<br />

alone. 11 It is as certa<strong>in</strong> as such th<strong>in</strong>gs can be that Diogenes <strong>in</strong>cludes Empedocles’<br />

theory of transmigration <strong>in</strong> his discussion of psychÞ because of<br />

the assimilation of Empedocles to the tradition, probably beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g<br />

with Pythagoras, of referr<strong>in</strong>g to the bearer of identity across different<br />

embodiments as a psychÞ. This early tradition treated the psychÞ as a subject<br />

of transmigration to other animal species – Xenophanes lampoons<br />

this no doubt Pythagorean idea <strong>in</strong> fragment 7 (DK = D.L. 8.36). 12<br />

Much of the rest of the evidence for the early Pythagoreans runs<br />

some risk of such contam<strong>in</strong>ation from the later tradition, but this critique<br />

seems to secure the notion as be<strong>in</strong>g known <strong>in</strong> sixth century<br />

Ionia, at least. Similarly, it is obvious that Heraclitus made the term<br />

<strong>in</strong>to a k<strong>in</strong>d of focus for moral accountability (anticipat<strong>in</strong>g the Socratic<br />

change that so <strong>in</strong>fluenced Plato). 13 But nevertheless this was not someth<strong>in</strong>g<br />

Empedocles accepted from or shared with his Ionian predecessors,<br />

at least not on the direct evidence of the poem as we now can reconstruct<br />

it.<br />

And this tells us one th<strong>in</strong>g, at least, about Diogenes: that he was <strong>in</strong><br />

this respect a captive of his tradition. Although he must have had access<br />

to Empedocles’ poetry <strong>and</strong> attended to its details (as the verbal echo of<br />

fr. 115 shows), he saw it exclusively through this assimilationist tradition.<br />

But that was already very likely, just given the ubiquity of the tendency<br />

to group together Pythagoreans, Platonists, <strong>and</strong> their various followers<br />

(Empedocles <strong>and</strong> Orphics with Pythagoras; the Stoics <strong>and</strong> Aristotle<br />

with Platonists – though Zeno of Citium is credited at Diogenes<br />

Laërtius 7.4 with a work entitled Pythagorean matters, so it is possible<br />

10 Note that the term xuw is used <strong>in</strong> the discussion of the survival of the soul (of<br />

the sage, as Chrysippus held, or of all rational agents, accord<strong>in</strong>g to Cleanthes),<br />

while it is clear that only the rational part (Bcelomijºm) actually rema<strong>in</strong>s coherent<br />

after death. See SVF 2.809 – 822, esp. 809 = Eusebius, PE 15.20.6 = LS 53W,<br />

810 = Aëtius 4.7.3, 811 = D.L. 7.157. See also Long 1982, esp. 40 – 41 <strong>and</strong> 52.<br />

11 If he used the word at all. Picot (2004, 2005, 2006) has argued that fr. 138 DK is<br />

not Empedoclean.<br />

12 Cf. Herodotus 2.123, though the th<strong>in</strong>kers referred to there are not named.<br />

13 See Nussbaum 1972.

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