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Emissions Scenarios - IPCC

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Scenario Driving Forces 111<br />

deficit in world population growth rate will be only -0.4<br />

persons per thousand in 2005. The reason for the modest<br />

impact is that birth rates in many developing countries are<br />

much higher than the death rates, so the AIDS increase in<br />

mortality only partially offsets this larger difference.<br />

3.2.3.33. The correlation between fertility and mortality<br />

In the recently published IIASA population projections (Lutz,<br />

1996), the correlations of fertility and mortality rates are also<br />

different to those of the UN projections. Within IIASA the<br />

main scenarios are labeled "central," "rapid transition," "slow<br />

transition," "high," and "low." In the two "transition" scenarios,<br />

mortality rates and fertility rates are correlated so that low or<br />

high mortality accompanies low or high fertility, respectively,<br />

in line with conventional wisdom among demographers that<br />

fertility declines are associated with mortality declines. This<br />

correlation narrows the range of projected population size as<br />

compared with an anticorrelation assumption. The "high" and<br />

"low" scenarios, by contrast, anticorrelate mortality and<br />

fertility and are considered quite unlikely.<br />

3.2.3.3.4. Probabilistic population projections<br />

Another recent development in demographic projections is that<br />

of probabilistic scenarios. Lutz et al. (1997) consider, based on<br />

their probabilistic population projections, a doubling of world<br />

population unlikely. Their scenarios use fertility, mortality, and<br />

migration rate assumptions based on a Gaussian fit to a survey<br />

of demographic experts who were asked to give a range of rates<br />

for each region that they considered to cover the 90* percentile<br />

probability range. Given the Gaussian cui-ve fits to the expert<br />

data, a Monte Carlo simulation was run to generate 4000<br />

scenarios, with five-year timesteps, which have a probability<br />

distribution attached to them. The branch points in the fertility,<br />

mortality, and net migration rate curves, based on the expert<br />

data, were set in 1995, 2000,2030, and 2080. The probabilistic<br />

projections extend to 2100. The 5* and 95* percentile intervals<br />

are between 6.7 to 15.6 billion people by 2100, a range that<br />

usefully covers current knowledge on the uncertainty of future<br />

world population levels to be considered in SRES. It should be<br />

noted that such probability assignments derived from expert<br />

opinion are inherently subjective and do not necessarily<br />

suggest a corresponding likelihood of future оссштепсе.<br />

3.2.4. Other Aspects of Population: Aging and<br />

Urbanization<br />

3.2.4.1. Aging<br />

Population aging has widely discussed implications for social<br />

planning, health care, labor force structural changes, and<br />

entitlement programs. As shown in Figure 3-6, percentage<br />

growth in the elderly age cohorts is predicted strongly by all<br />

projections. The figure shows the percentage of elderly age<br />

cohorts using the medium projection data. Importantiy, it will<br />

be a continuous process over the entire 2P' century, even<br />

though total population size is forecast in these cases to<br />

stabilize during the latter half of the century.<br />

The detailed economic effects of such a profound and rapid<br />

change in social structure are not well understood (Eberstadt,<br />

1997). The problem is considered below in the discussion of<br />

the impact of population dynamics on economic development.<br />

In short, conventional wisdom takes a more or less neutral view<br />

of the effect of population growth, including the impacts of<br />

aging, on the rate of economic growth (Hammer, 1985; Kelley,<br />

1988; National Research Council, 1986). Lowered population<br />

growth rates (and concomitant aging) might have a beneficial<br />

effect on the economy through reduced youth dependency<br />

ratios, which result in higher savings rates (Higgins and<br />

Williamson, 1997). Also, population aging could reduce labor<br />

supply and thus reduce potential economic growth. Against this<br />

argument, labor scarcity induces higher wages that in tum are<br />

a powerful incentive to increase labor productivity. Increasing<br />

30<br />

IIASA % over 60<br />

25 -<br />

e<br />

_o<br />

V-<br />

20 -<br />

"S<br />

a, ^<br />

"« i t<br />

J=<br />

о<br />

Ü<br />

--о-<br />

WB%>60<br />

15 -л- UN%>65<br />

10<br />

5<br />

-o-<br />

USCB%>65<br />

0<br />

I I 1 1 1 1<br />

2000 2025 2050 2075 2100<br />

Figure 3-6: Percentage of world population over 60 or 65 years of age with time for the central scenarios. The World Bank data<br />

are from 1994 (Bos et al., 1994) because the results from 1996 are not published. The USCB data are from McDevitt (1996).

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