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Emissions Scenarios - IPCC

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Scenario Driving Forces 125<br />

GDP per capita 1990US$<br />

100000<br />

Figure 3-13: Energy intensity (all<br />

energy forms in the higher curves,<br />

and commercial energy only in the<br />

lower curves) as a function of<br />

GDP per capita for 11 world<br />

regions since 1970. For an<br />

explanation of regional<br />

abbreviations see text. Historical<br />

data for the USA since 1800 are<br />

equally shown. Source: adapted<br />

from Nakicenovic et al., 1998a.<br />

"slow" alternatives as a function of perceived opportunities,<br />

new institutional configurations, policies, and environmental<br />

constraints, even if these do not include climate policies (as<br />

mandated by the SRES Terms of Reference, see Appendix I).<br />

For instance, low historical rates of energy intensity<br />

improvement reflect the low priority placed on energy<br />

efficiency by most producers and users of technology. On<br />

average energy costs account for only about 5% of GDP. Energy<br />

intensity reductions average about 1 % per year, in contrast to<br />

improvements in labor productivity above 2% per year over the<br />

period 1870 to 1992. Over shorter time periods, and given<br />

appropriate incentives, energy intensity improvement rates can<br />

be substantially higher, as in the OECD countries after 1973 or<br />

in China since 1977, where energy intensity improvement rates<br />

of 5% have been observed. Rapid productivity growth can also<br />

occur during periods of successful economic catch-up; for<br />

instance, Japanese labor productivity grew at 7.7% annually<br />

during 1950-1973 (Maddison, 1995). Similar high-productivity<br />

growths were also achieved in industrial oil usage in the OECD<br />

or US car fuel economies after 1973. Of the examples given in<br />

Table 3-3, productivity increases are the highest for<br />

communication. Not surprisingly, many observers consider that<br />

given a continuation of historical trends communication may<br />

become a similarly important driver of economic growth in the<br />

future as traditional, resource- and energy-intensive industries<br />

have been in the past.<br />

3.3.4.8. Development Patterns<br />

The key questions about how future development pattems<br />

deteimine GHG emissions thus include the following.<br />

Material and energy content of development in industrial<br />

countries:<br />

• Will stmctural change toward services and increasing<br />

importance of information as a "raw material" reduce<br />

the energy and matter content of economic activity?<br />

• Will telecommunications substitute significantly for<br />

travel or encourage more of it?<br />

• Will growth in transportation and other energy-using<br />

activities, stimulated by trade liberaHzation, be offset<br />

by less material intensive development pattems?<br />

• Will the tendency to saturation in some energy end-use<br />

requirements be offset by new energy or GHG intensive<br />

goods and services (e.g., in leisure activities)?<br />

Development patterns in the developing countries:<br />

• Will developing countties reproduce the development<br />

paths of industrial countries with respect to energy use<br />

and GHG emissions?<br />

• Is there a potential for technological "leapfrogging"<br />

whereby developing countries bypass dirty intermediate<br />

technologies and jump straight to cleaner teclmologies?<br />

Links among energy, transport and urban planning:<br />

• Will modal choices and urban-form decisions tend<br />

toward less or greater energy intensity?<br />

• How are significant differences within and between<br />

industrial and developing countries going to evolve in<br />

the future?<br />

Land use and human settlements:<br />

• What are the links between agriculture, forestry, mralto-urban<br />

migration, energy use, GHG, and sulfur<br />

emissions, particularly in developing countries?

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