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Emissions Scenarios - IPCC

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Scenario Driving Forces 113<br />

recent and mostly carried out in a qualitative way. Alcamo et<br />

al. (1995) reviews the literature available up to 1994.<br />

Nakicenovic et al. (1998a) report a long-term scenario study in<br />

which timing and extent of economic catch-up in developing<br />

countries were found to be tied to timing and pace of their<br />

demographic transition. Pattems of the range of per capita<br />

GDP growth rates for developing countries available in the<br />

literature (and given in Figure 3-10) also appear to reflect this<br />

relationship. Growth trends for the period 2020-2050 are<br />

generally higher than those for earlier or later periods; it is in<br />

this period that, according to demographic projections, the<br />

fastest change in demographic variables (especially fertility)<br />

will take place.<br />

Figure 3-7: TFRs in 1995 versus GDP per capita in US<br />

dollars at 1995 prices for most of the world's countries. Data<br />

source: World Bank, 1997b.<br />

from higher fertility to lower fertility. This move is further<br />

prompted by the rising relative costs of childcare, which<br />

include preferences that increase a child's quality of life, such<br />

as better schooling and extracurricular activities.<br />

This income effect is primarily interpreted with respect to<br />

fertility changes in currently developing countries. In currently<br />

industrial countries, any change of fertility in response to<br />

increasing wealth is likely to be different from and probably<br />

even opposite to that of developing countries' feitility. Indeed,<br />

there is evidence of this in Eastem Europe, Sweden, Russia, and<br />

(recently) the United States (UN, 1997a), and it is linked to the<br />

question of long-term fertility rates in industrial countries (see<br />

Section 3.2.3.2.). However, it is evident that future world<br />

population levels will be dominated by growth in developing<br />

countries. Thus, if it is accepted that fertility is lower with<br />

greater affluence, then in emissions scenarios lower populations<br />

will still tend to cortelate with higher per capita incomes.<br />

Another countervailing factor is that mortality rates should also<br />

decline with wealth; as an isolated effect, this obviously results<br />

in higher population levels. However, the combined impact of<br />

both fertility and mortality reduction on population size is a net<br />

reduction in population levels (Lutz, 1996).<br />

From a demographic point of view, the primary effect seen in<br />

Figure 3-7 is interpreted as infant and child mortality decline<br />

with increasing affluence. Families, in a sense, have to use<br />

birth control to achieve their desired number, which has always<br />

been lower than fertility rates. Increased affluence results in<br />

increased knowledge of, access to, and use of birth control, and<br />

accordingly families shift their reproductive behavior to lower<br />

fertility rates. Accompanying this basic premise is a host of<br />

complex social changes, including increased opportunities for<br />

education, employment, and non-maternal roles for women.<br />

Incorporation of the inverse relationship between economic<br />

and population growth in long-term emission scenarios is<br />

3.2.6. Conclusions<br />

From the available population projections, only those from the<br />

UN and IIASA fulfill the characteristics needed for use in<br />

long-term emission scenarios. First, the UN and IIASA data<br />

are published and available in the public domain, and second<br />

(more importantly) the scenarios consider uncertainty by<br />

developing more than just one, central demographic<br />

projection.<br />

We use the medium UN projections in the SRES emissions<br />

scenarios because they have greater recognition internationally,<br />

and garner considerable attention as evident from the press<br />

focus devoted to the 1996 Revision (mentioned above). In<br />

addition, the UN assumption of replacement-level fertility in<br />

the long term, in contrast to the IIASA below-replacement<br />

assumption, is an important normative approach widely used<br />

heretofore in projections.<br />

The rapid and slow demographic transition variants from<br />

IIASA projections remain attractive as the "high" and "low"<br />

population variants to be considered for the new <strong>IPCC</strong><br />

emissions scenarios. The incorporation of a correlation<br />

between mortality rates and fertility (Lutz, 1996) is a logical<br />

first-order relationship not used in previous population variants<br />

and, in particular, not a feature of the UN variants. The two<br />

IIASA variants also represent well the uncertainty range as<br />

spanned by the probabilistic projections of Lutz et al. (1997),<br />

which represent an important methodological advance in the<br />

field. As shown in Figure 3-2, the resultant IIASA population<br />

range falls within the range of the UN projections.<br />

Based on the above recommendations, Figure 3-8 compares the<br />

older IS92 population range with the population range<br />

described in this section. The population projections in IS92<br />

scenarios comprise the UN 1992 medium-high and<br />

medium-low variants for the high and low ranges with the<br />

World Bank 1991 projection as the central case. As seen in<br />

Figure 3-8, the new range for SRES is somewhat narrower and<br />

lower than the IS92 range. The cause is partly the positive<br />

correlation between mortality rates and fertility rates within the<br />

IIASA variants, which mildly offset each other in terms of<br />

future population size. Another reason is the recent downward

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