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306<br />

Remembrance in Time<br />

Although the Anglo-Americans have repeatedly encouraged the leaders <strong>of</strong> the<br />

National Peasants’ Party and <strong>of</strong> the Liberal Party, Western chancelleries knew even since<br />

1945 the results <strong>of</strong> the upcoming elections in Bucharest. During a conversation with the<br />

American Ambassador Harriman in December 1945, Soviet Vice-commissary Vîşinski<br />

foresaw a victory <strong>of</strong> the government `by 70%`. Following the same prognostic, the Soviet<br />

Ambassador to Bucharest said prior to the elections that the communist party could hope<br />

to obtain` through certain techniques` even 90% <strong>of</strong> votes 4 .<br />

Shortly after the representatives <strong>of</strong> the National Peasants’ Party and <strong>of</strong> the National<br />

Liberal Party, Emil HaŃieganu and Mihail Romniceanu, were admitted in the government<br />

as ministers without portfolio, the communists started a denigration and marginalization<br />

campaign against them. During the meeting held by the Extended Political Bureau on<br />

January 8, 1946, Vasile Luca said: „These two persons have to be unmasked and isolated<br />

from the reactionary parties before the public opinion, but the campaign does not have to<br />

take a form against which the foreign forces could react. We need an extraordinary ability<br />

and elasticity to fulfil these tasks, this strategy <strong>of</strong> the Party` 5 .<br />

At the end <strong>of</strong> the meeting Gheorghiu-Dej concluded: „We have to set up a battle plan<br />

for our journalists on how to attack Ministers Romniceanu and HaŃieganu. To prepare<br />

traps. We shall cavil at them with great ability and versatility. I can friendly argue with<br />

him in the Council <strong>of</strong> Ministers, then come out with him arm in arm and make him speak<br />

so that the journalists can hear` 6 .<br />

In their capacity as ministers without portfolios, their role was considerably<br />

diminished. Ana Pauker remarked it during one <strong>of</strong> her interventions: `The Moscow<br />

Decision aimed to help us as follows: the 18-minister government will remain as it is,<br />

with only one change, which in fact almost does not exist` 7 . In reality the Moscow<br />

agreement brought only one surface change for Groza’s government in Bucharest in order<br />

to reduce the Anglo-American reactions against the undemocratic policy <strong>of</strong> the regime<br />

which was ruling in Romania.<br />

As if anticipating the future, Iuliu Maniu conditioned his participation in the<br />

government on receiving firm warranties from the government for free elections and<br />

freedom <strong>of</strong> the press. By speculating any opposition from their political adversary, the<br />

communists criticized Maniu’s attitude and considered that he breached the Moscow<br />

agreement as he did not provide his collaboration and loyalty within the government,<br />

when calling his representative during the government meeting. 8 .<br />

The guidelines <strong>of</strong> the Romanian Communist Party in the upcoming elections<br />

weredecidedat the Plenary Session <strong>of</strong> the Central Committee <strong>of</strong> January 27-29, 1946 9 .<br />

The main objective <strong>of</strong> the Plenary Session was to set up a political platform based on<br />

which all democratic forces are gathered in a block, with a program `neither <strong>of</strong> the<br />

4<br />

Adrian Cioroianu, Pe umerii lui Marx, Bucureşti, 2005, p. 65.<br />

5<br />

ANIC, fond CC la PCR-Cancelarie, dosar nr. 5/1946, f. 8.<br />

6<br />

Ibidem, ff. 15-16.<br />

7<br />

Ibidem, f. 11.<br />

8<br />

Ibidem, f. 10.<br />

9<br />

Coord. Virgiliu łârău şi Ioan Marius Bucur, Strategii şi politici electorale în alegerile<br />

parlamentare din 19 noiembrie 1946, Cluj-Napoca, 1998, pp. 1-90.

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