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442<br />

Remembrance in Time<br />

In the meantime, Nehru received a short letter from Mohandas Ghandi. In this notice,<br />

Ghandi ironized Chamberlain’s famous words: “What a peace at the cost <strong>of</strong> honour.” 15<br />

The attitude brought forward by Gandhi, Nehru and the majority <strong>of</strong> the Indian National<br />

Congress was strongly criticized by right-wing politicians in India. Among them was the<br />

main protagonist <strong>of</strong> ethnic Hindu nationalism, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar (1883–1966),<br />

who since 1937 was the president <strong>of</strong> the Hindu Mahatshaba organization. For Savarkar<br />

who was in close contact with Nazi <strong>of</strong>ficials, “Germany was perfectly justified in uniting<br />

the Austrian and Sudeten Germans under the German Flag”. 16 He called Czechoslovakia<br />

a “patchwork” nation, where the Sudeten Germans had been made “a mess <strong>of</strong>” by being<br />

coerced to live together with Czechs, Slovaks, Poles and Hungarians. 17 As it turned out,<br />

Savarkar and his radical movement was in close relation with the NSDAP which kept a<br />

local cell even at Bombay. Similar statements came from representatives <strong>of</strong> the Moslem<br />

League in India which compared their own fate to that <strong>of</strong> Sudeten Germans. This was<br />

their reaction to the beginning cooperation <strong>of</strong> many reasonable Moslem politicians within<br />

the Indian National Congress. As we know from today’s perspective, the idea to separate<br />

Hindu and Moslem territories gained power during World War II, leading to the creation<br />

<strong>of</strong> Pakistan and Bangladesh shortly after Indian independence.<br />

* * *<br />

In this short paper I could only give a little idea <strong>of</strong> how democratic solidarity united<br />

people from a very different geographic and cultural background in the face <strong>of</strong> totalitarian<br />

oppression <strong>of</strong> a sovereign state and a democratic system shortly before the outbreak <strong>of</strong><br />

World War II.<br />

In a period where Europe is again facing a deep crisis, a lack <strong>of</strong> mutual confidence and<br />

solidarity, it might be sometimes helpful to take a look at how our continent is perceived<br />

from outside. Widespread stereotypes <strong>of</strong>ten dating back to a very remote history seem to<br />

impede our awareness <strong>of</strong> reality as far as outside standpoints are concerned. Two<br />

examples are contemporary islamophobia and the non-acceptance <strong>of</strong> refugees from the<br />

so-called Third World. The European continent has gained a lot in terms <strong>of</strong> liberty,<br />

economic growth and social security since the end <strong>of</strong> World War II in 1945 and the end<br />

<strong>of</strong> communism in Eastern Europe after 1989. The future <strong>of</strong> our continent will very much<br />

depend on the question whether Europe will be able to open its eyes beyond the regional<br />

issues. If we look at these days’ newspapers, it seems that the authoritarian politics<br />

imposed by Brussels and Berlin to smaller member-states <strong>of</strong> the European Union<br />

dominate the public discourse. While this interior disintegration process is going on,<br />

15<br />

Quoted in Rajmohan Gandhi: Gandhi. The Man, his People, and the Empire, Cambridge 2007,<br />

p. 400.<br />

16<br />

Quoted in Chetan Bhatt: Hindu Nationalism. Origins, Ideologies and Modern Myths, Oxford–<br />

New York 2001, p. 107. – Cf. Jan Kuhlmann: Subhas Chandra Bose und die Indienpolitik der<br />

Achsenmächte, Berlin 2003, p. 71.<br />

17<br />

Bhatt, Hindu Nationalism, p. 106.

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