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Tobias WEGER: The Munich Agreement <strong>of</strong> 1938 Seen Through the Eyes <strong>of</strong> Mohandas … 439<br />

politicians to fulfil more and more unrealistic demands. This problem rose to an<br />

international affair, the so-called “Sudeten crisis”, which kept most European powers<br />

breathless. The culmination <strong>of</strong> this development is well known: The British and French<br />

governments, both defenders <strong>of</strong> “appeasement” towards Nazi Germany, accepted Hitler’s<br />

claim to annex the Czech border areas, the so-called “Sudetenland”, into the German<br />

Reich. The Munich Agreement signed in the night <strong>of</strong> September 29 th 1938 at the NSDAP<br />

headquarter has ever since been considered as a symbol <strong>of</strong> the capitulation <strong>of</strong> democratic<br />

powers in the face <strong>of</strong> outrageous claims <strong>of</strong> a totalitarian system.<br />

The problem <strong>of</strong> the Munich Agreement has mainly been analyzed as a bilateral Czech-<br />

German problem, whereas the international dimension <strong>of</strong> this issue has been rather<br />

neglected. When Britain’s prime minister Neville Chamberlain (1869–1940) returned to<br />

London after signing the Munich Agreement, he compared his action to the impact given<br />

by his predecessor Benjamin Disraeli (1804–1881) at the Berlin Balkan Conference <strong>of</strong><br />

1878 and said the famous phrase: “My good friends, for the second time in our history, a<br />

British Prime Minister has returned from Germany bringing peace with honour. I believe<br />

it is peace for our time. We thank you from the bottom <strong>of</strong> our hearts. And now I<br />

recommend you to go home and get a nice quiet sleep.” 5<br />

This politically naïve – and in a diplomatic sense even sarcastic – statement was openly<br />

criticized by many contemporary British journalists, politicians and political advisors,<br />

even within Chamberlain’s Conservative Party. The concern <strong>of</strong> Winston Churchill (1874–<br />

1968) in autumn 1938 is well known. Churchill understood very well that every<br />

additional concession to Adolf Hitler was nothing else than a further step towards war. 6<br />

There were also critical reactions to Neville Chamberlain’s policy in a country far away<br />

from Europe which at the same time was struggling for freedom from British colonial<br />

domination: India. In a newspaper article published in October 1938, the leading spiritual<br />

and intellectual personality <strong>of</strong> the Indian independence movement, Mohandas<br />

Karamchand Gandhi (1869–1948) gave a clear and firm statement:<br />

„England and France […] have quailed before the combined violence <strong>of</strong><br />

Germany and Italy. […] Europe has sold her soul for the sake <strong>of</strong> seven day’s<br />

earthly existence. The peace gained at Munich is a triumph <strong>of</strong> violence; it is<br />

also its defeat.” 7<br />

There was another interesting voice from India which reacted directly to the Munich<br />

Agreement. The Bengal writer Rabindranath Tagore (1861–1941) was one <strong>of</strong> Gandhi’s<br />

close friends. In 1913 Tagore had received the Nobel Price for Literature as the first non-<br />

European author, and had been a visitor to Czechoslovakia in June 1921 and again in<br />

5<br />

Quoted after the entry “peace for our time”, in: Safire’s Political Dictionary. Edited by William<br />

Safire, Oxford 4 2008, p. 529.<br />

6<br />

Cf. Martin Gilbert: Winston S. Churchill. Vol. V: Prophet <strong>of</strong> Truth, 1922–1939, London 1977, p.<br />

921–1012.<br />

7<br />

Quoted after Sankar Ghose: Mahatma Gandhi, New Delhi 1991, p. 276.

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