REMEMBRANCE IN TIME - Index of

Anasztázia KEREKE: International Economic Relationships of the Soviet Union … 479
III. EU and Russian Federation
Nowadays the European Union and the Russian Federation have a strong trade
relationship, and the bilateral trade and investments continue to grow rapidly. Russia is
Europe’s largest neighbour and one of its main partners. In the past decades, the
relationship between Europe and Russia evolved from one of reciprocal hostility during
the Cold War to a partnership. Each side is working towards strengthening the
partnership, even though their relations have not met each partner’s expectations and
Russia’s recent evolution is transforming them. Each has become a priority partner for the
other and their relations are well developed and well-structured today. In addition to the
well-developed bilateral relations with some of the European Union (EU) Member States,
Russia has developed strong relations with the EU as a whole. (Mathieu, 2008)
III.1. Relationships between EU Member States and Russia
A key determinant in the development of the relations between the EU and Russia will
be the position of some of new EU Member States, especially Poland and Lithuania,
which have been quite critical towards Russia and the EU-Russia cooperation. It was
clearly illustrated by their blocking of the talks on the replacement of the initial PCA. The
Russian leadership has adopted a more confident posture on the international scene and
openly criticized the West and Europe, for instance on NATO’s expansion or on the
establishment of US missile defense infrastructure in Europe.
Russia has emerged as the most divisive issue in the European Union since Donald
Rumsfeld split the European club into ‘new’ and ‘old’ member states. We can identify
five distinct policy approaches to Russia shared by old and new members alike:
‘Trojan Horses’ (Cyprus and Greece) who often defend Russian interests in the EU
system, and are willing to veto common EU positions;
‘Strategic Partners’ (France, Germany, Italy and Spain) who enjoy a ‘special
relationship’ with Russia which occasionally undermines common EU policies;
‘Friendly Pragmatists’ (Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Finland, Hungary, Luxembourg,
Malta, Portugal, Slovakia and Slovenia) who maintain a close relationship with Russia
and tend to put their business interests above political goals;
‘Frosty Pragmatists’ (Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Ireland, Latvia, the
Netherlands, Romania, Sweden and the United Kingdom) who also focus on business
interests but are less afraid than others to speak out against Russian behaviour on human
rights or other issues; and ‘New Cold Warriors’ (Lithuania and Poland) who have an
overtly hostile relationship with Moscow and are willing to use the veto to block EU
negotiations with Russia.
Broadly speaking, the EU is split between two approaches – and each of the five groups
tends towards one of the main policy paradigms. At one end of the spectrum are those
who view Russia as a potential partner that can be drawn into the EU’s orbit through a
process of ‘creeping integration.’ They favour involving Russia in as many institutions as
possible and encouraging Russian investment in the EU’s energy sector, even if Russia
sometimes breaks the rules. At the other end are member states who see and treat Russia
as a threat. (Leonard–Popescu, 2007)