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"...mein Acker ist die Zeit", Aufsätze zur Umweltgeschichte - Oapen

"...mein Acker ist die Zeit", Aufsätze zur Umweltgeschichte - Oapen

"...mein Acker ist die Zeit", Aufsätze zur Umweltgeschichte - Oapen

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City and Nature (2007)<br />

the countryside showed death rates of about 25- 30 percent. But the lower-classes<br />

contributed much more to the total mortality in infants, as for example in nineteenth-century<br />

Halle (Germany), were 55 percent of all deaths were of lower-class<br />

children who <strong>die</strong>d before the age of 10, whereas only 27 percent of all deaths in<br />

that age group were of upper-class children. Among other things, this points to<br />

different parental investment strategies, as well as to specific fertility behaviour. As<br />

dying is generally unpredictable, influencing fertility is the recommended strategy<br />

for manipulating the numbers of the living. For Renaissance Tuscany, for example,<br />

the fertility of upper-class urban people was increased by reducing the age of marriage<br />

for females.<br />

All this leads into attitudes toward sexual behavior birth control, as well as into<br />

public and tacit moral mentalities. There should not be many differences between<br />

social rules in towns and in the countryside with respect to sexual regulations and<br />

moral settings, whereas everyday life and common practices may have differed<br />

enormously. Differences in the numbers of males and females of urban populations<br />

are important though not well investigated. Due to traditional gender roles in<br />

Western societies, females mostly outnumbered males in cities from me<strong>die</strong>val to<br />

recent times, because of warfare loss among males.<br />

No doubt there is a higher density and therefore probably a higher number of<br />

people in cities than outside, at least in the urban hinterlands. But what are the<br />

measures for population density in cities? Throughout the eighteenth century Prussia<br />

(core area) was a genuine farming state. Therefore I use it here as a model for<br />

calculating the average numbers for a reasonably advanced agrarian regime in preindustrial<br />

times. The population density by 1725 is around 10 residents per square<br />

kilometer (approx. 25 residents per square mile), and the numbers for 1801 are<br />

about 20 residents per square kilometer (50 residents per square mile).210<br />

The increase in residents is due to the beginning of the demographic transition<br />

after the 1750s, active population policy, and some minor progress in farming methods.<br />

Therefore a number between 25 and 50 residents per square mile might be<br />

taken as a benchmark for the carrying capacity of a reasonably advanced agricultural<br />

regime in low fertility areas. The number of residents in more fertile farming<br />

areas is unlikely to have exceeded this figure by more than four times. This gives<br />

for non-urbanised areas, given advanced agriculture and one harvest per year, an<br />

estimate of at most 200 residents per square mile for prime soil regions. These<br />

numbers give a vague idea of the carrying capacities of thinly urbanized areas dedicated<br />

to agriculture, where human life is essentially triggered by primary production<br />

(plant growth and harvest by humans or domesticated animals). By comparison<br />

cities carry immense numbers of people, especially as they are totally dependent<br />

on primary and secondary production of non-urban places. Table 4 shows<br />

selected data on population densities in various cities.<br />

210 The population data taken from Friedrich W.A.Bratring, Stat<strong>ist</strong>isch - topographische Beschreibung<br />

der gesamten Mark Brandenburg (1809, reprinted Berlin: de Gruyter 1968)<br />

137

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