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Facultatea de Istorie - Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza

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NOTE BIBLIOGRAFICE / NOTIZIE BIBLIOGRAFICHE 331<br />

It used to be one of the components of the triptych implied in imperial succession<br />

(along with the senate and the people). We should also mention that, since<br />

„partitio imperii” (395) and till the fall of Constantinople (1453), 65 emperors<br />

were done away with through revolts the army was involved with.<br />

Wearen Treadgold seems to be an authentic expert of byzantine army, to<br />

which he <strong>de</strong>dicated a monographic work (Byzantium and Its Army, 284-1081,<br />

Stanford, 1997). In this synthesis, the soldier is a pillar, vital for the life of the<br />

Eastern Empire. Byzantium’s times of glory, like those during Justinian I,<br />

Heraclius, Tzimiskes and Vasile II’s reigns, were un<strong>de</strong>r the sign of military force.<br />

That is the reason for which it was said that „the Byzantine Empire would had<br />

resisted without Fotios, Psellos, or Theodor Metochites, but not without the Byzantine<br />

soldiers” (P. Schreiner). The American savant’s text is accompanied by cartographic<br />

pictures of armed forces, which suggest a real structure of resistance of the<br />

state. Thus, in 395, the Eastern Empire had over 200,000 soldiers arranged in a<br />

semi–ellipse beginning in Western Moesia and ending in Egypt and Lebanon (p.<br />

115). In 565, when the universalistic i<strong>de</strong>a became geopolitics’ reality through<br />

Justinian I and his generals’ ability, and the unity of the Roman Empire, centered<br />

on the unity of Mediterranean Sea, has been given back, the military force of<br />

Byzantium numbered at that time over 150,000 soldiers, disposed un<strong>de</strong>r the form<br />

of an ellipse, from South-Eastern Spain, through North-East/East/South-West till<br />

North-Western Africa (Numidia and Mauritania). In cartographic representation (p.<br />

252), Byzantium looks like a camp un<strong>de</strong>r military protection. The relation textimage<br />

is perfect. Some other two maps reveal the situation of the army within the<br />

territory during 775 (the end of the warrior emperor Constantine V’s reign, during<br />

whose time the frontier troops became the base of the army) and 840 (p. 452),<br />

during the basileus Theofilus Amoriunus’ time, when the army was reformed, the<br />

<strong>de</strong>fensive system was consolidated, which „prepared the Empire to take over the<br />

initiative in fighting against Arabs” (p. 453).<br />

The finances represent another forte-point of Warren Treadgold’s<br />

synthesis. During the most part of his existence, Byzantium had great financial<br />

resources. It also had a powerful currency, the nomisma (the medieval dollar, as R.<br />

Lopez named it) and a well organized fiscal system. The state’s tresury gathered<br />

much, but spent much also. The construction of civil, military and clerical edifices,<br />

the supplies for the capital, the expenses of imperial court (which cultivated luxury<br />

as a form of greatness), maintaining the forms of protecting the power, the salaries<br />

of office workers, the payment of stipends, and especially the expenses for the<br />

army, required for great sums of money. The great Byzantine historian Warren<br />

Treadgold resorted to „numerical estimates”, as „they are less misleading than the<br />

standard generalizations about economic <strong>de</strong>cline and disappearing cities” (p. 12).<br />

Through five tables he evaluated the state’s budget in different times of the<br />

Byzantine millennium: un<strong>de</strong>r Diocletian (around 300) and Marcianus (450-457),<br />

un<strong>de</strong>r Anastasius (around 518) and Justinian I (540 and 565), and during the 7 th and

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