C. Wiebes - Intelligence en de oorlog in Bosnië 1992-1995. De rol van de inlichtingen- en veiligheidsdiensten - Engels

171General and researcher, Brendan O’shea, also concluded that private companies were involved here; tobe precise, reservists or retired American pilots (not in uniform and not in the active service of theAmerican armed forces) were to have flown these C-130s.The aircraft that took part in the various Black Flights were also seen by observers of theECMM, the European monitoring mission. On 23 February they saw four C-130s on Split airfield. Oneof them was a Spanish cargo plane that was used for supplying the Spanish battalion in Mostar, but theother two aircraft were American C-130s. According to O’shea, they belonged to the 37th ALS BlueTail Flies. The fourth plane had only a small American flag on its tail and no registration numbers, andwas painted in different colours from the other two planes. The observers noticed that the crew werewearing green uniforms without rank or nationality markings. They were able to continue to workundisturbed and were not hindered by the Croatian police or UNPROFOR observers. Shortly beforetheir departure from Split, the ECMM observers ‘coincidentally’ encountered the Croatian ColonelKresimir Cosic, President Tudjman’s personal adviser, in the departure lounge. Cosic was also theliaison with the State Department in the matter of the activities of the military company MilitaryProfessional Resources Incorporated. 864 The ECMM launched its own investigation, but it yieldednothing.The conclusion is that there are only suspicions but no hard evidence that American aircraftcarried out the Black Flights. A British researcher put a question regarding American involvement tovarious sources, and most (‘eyes were raised ceiling-wards’) answered him as follows: ‘Who else has theskill and expertise to carry out such a swift, delicate mission covertly? The Saudis? The Turks? TheIranians?’ The specialized crews and the types of aircraft for these night-time operations indeed865appeared to point in only one direction: that of the United States.Nonetheless, it is improbable that US aircraft were involved, but this does then raise thequestion of who had organized the operation. Woolsey was willing to have the CIA to carry out such asecret operation; his service had relevant experience. Woolsey stated, however, with great certainty:‘The CIA did not move weapons to Bosnia. We were perfectly willing to do that. We had enoughexperience in this field, but the policy level did not want the CIA to do that.’ 866 Woolsey’s offer wastherefore rejected, also because Lake (again) feared leaks 867 and Christopher was afraid here too ofangry reactions from London and Paris which could lead to UNPROFOR’s departure. NATOSecretary-General Claes had warned Clinton of this. 868 Lake also considered this a covert operation;another reason for it not to be allowed to go ahead was that Congress would have to be informed. 869The strategy via third party countries was then opted for. This indeed seems to be the course that wasfollowed.Turkey flies to TuzlaThere are other indications that the CIA was not involved in the Black Flights to Tuzla. Like theattitude of the CIA station chief in Zagreb, who gave a negative recommendation regarding Galbraith’splans for the Croatian pipeline and the later negative recommendations of the CIA on the clandestinesupply of arms to the Croats and Muslims as Holbrooke had wanted. 870 Much points in the directionthat this was an operation by a third party country, with the assent of parts of the US government.Another indication that US services were not directly involved, was Holbrooke’s evidence to Senate:864 O’shea, Crisis at Bihac, pp. 159-160.865 Confidential interview (67).866 Interview with R.J. Woolsey, 08/06/00.867 James Risen & Doyle McManus, ‘U.S. had options to let Bosnia get arms’, Los Angeles Times, 14/0796 and Walter Pincus,‘Woolsey, in testimony, Criticizes White House’, The Washington Post, 11/06/96.868 Ed Vulliamy, ‘America’s Secret Bosnia Agenda’, The Observer, 20/11/94.869 James Risen & Doyle McManus, ‘U.S. had options to let Bosnia get arms’, Los Angeles Times, 14/07/96.870 Confidential interviews (12) and (13).